.iRRARY OF CONGRESS 







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A-^ yjf/m 



i*lcmoir of 

Jin (BtovQt ILoiffan 

of ^tfnton 



TWO HUNDRED AND FIFTY 
COPIES PRINTED FROM TYPE 



MEMOIR 

OF 

Br. (jleorgf JLogan of ^teuton 

BY HIS WIDOW / 

DEBORAH NORRIS LOGAN 

Wiit^ S^tXtttioni from M Corre^pontiencr 

EDITED BY THEIR GREAT-GRANDDAUGHTER 

FRANCES A. LOGAN 

* 

WITH AN INTRODUCTION RY 

CHARLES J. STILLfi 

ILLUSTRATIONS FROM PHOTOGRAPHS BY 

C. S. BRADFORD 



# 



PHILADELPHIA 

%\t l^tsltoncal .^octets oC ^ennsleltiania 

MDCCCXCIX 






E-302 



Copyright, 1899 



The Historical Society of Pennsylvania 



("WO eofina !iECEIVEO, 




Printed by 

J. B. Lippincott Company 

Philadelphia 



Contents 

¥¥¥ 

PAGB 

Introduction 9 

CHAPTER I 
His Early Life and Education 31 

CHAPTER II 
Returns Home and Establishes Himself at Stenton . . .42 

CHAPTER III 
Dr. Logan's Political Views — He Embarks on a Mission to France 50 

CHAPTER IV 
The Results of the Mission to France 61 

CHAPTER V 
Domestic Cares and Anxiety 72 

CHAPTER VI 
Guests at Stenton — Dr. Logan's Return 78 

CHAPTER VII 
Reception by the Government — Logan Act — Addresses . . 86 

CHAPTER VIII 
Return to Public Life ......... 94. 

CHAPTER IX 
Election as United States Senator — The Logan Law Enacted . 97 

CHAPTER X 
His Relations with Jefferson's Administration .... 104 

5 



Content© 



CHAPTER XI 

PAGB 

Correspondence with Jefferson 109 

CHAPTER XII 
Dr. Logan's Peace Mission to England 115 

CHAPTER XIII 
Dr. Logan's Death and a Sketch of his Character . . . 120 

APPENDIX I 
Genealogical Table of the Descendants of James Logan . .127 

APPENDIX II 
Letters from Dr. Logan to Messrs. Merlin, Lepeaux, and Schim- 

melpenninck 1 29 

APPENDIX III 
Correspondence in Regard to Jefferson's Opinions Concerning 
THE War of 1812 . . . 135 

APPENDIX IV 
The Letters of John Dickinson 145 

APPENDIX V 
Correspondence between Dr. Logan and Mr. Madison . . 165 

APPENDIX VI 
Letters Referring to Dr. Logan's Efforts to Avoid War with 
England 175 

APPENDIX VII 
Copies of Three Letters from Colonel Timothy Pickering to 
Dr. George Logan 180 



miusttations 



¥¥¥ 

■^Dr. George Logan Frontispiece. 

From a portrait by Gilbert Stuart. 

" Stenton. Front View 40 

Built 1728. 

Stenton. Doorway 83 

Stenton. Back View 98 

Sonnet. By Mrs. Logan ii4- 

Fac-simile. 

Deborah Norris Logan 122 



Ifnttobuction 

¥¥¥ 

*^^ I *HE late Miss Frances Armat Logan by her Will be- 
^J^ queathed to the Historical Society of Pennsylvania 
a certain sum to be applied " to the completion 
of The Life of Dr. George Logan, of Stenton." The life 
of Dr. Logan to which Miss Logan refers is that written by 
her grandmother, Mrs. Deborah Norris Logan, his widow. 
For many years the existence of this " Life" has been known 
to students of Pennsylvania history. The intimate personal 
knowledge possessed by Mrs. Logan of the events of the 
first half-century of the life of the nation, the fidelity and 
literary skill with which she describes the impression made 
upon her by constant intercourse with the eminent men 
who then guided the national policy, the knowledge which 
she possessed of the secret motives which roused the fierce 
and unreasoning passions of party spirit in those days, as 
well as the valuable contributions which in former days she 
has made to Pennsylvania provincial history, all combine 
to make her memoir of Dr. Logan a singularly important 
record of the history of the formative condition of the coun- 
try. Mrs. Logan, of course, was in full sympathy with the 
opinions and acts of her husband, who was largely engaged 
in public affairs during these trying times, having been one 
of the leaders of the anti-Federal party and a Senator from 
Pennsylvania. The reader must expect and allow for such 

2 9 



TIntrot)uction 



a bias. Still, the immense value of the personal recollec- 
tions of a gifted woman who writes of contemporaneous 
events cannot be set aside nor overlooked as having a 
special historical value. 

Shortly after Dr. Logan's death in 182 1 Mrs. Logan be- 
gan her biographical work, which in one sense is the record 
of her own life as well as that of her husband. The manu- 
script finally came into the hands of Miss Logan, the grand- 
daughter of Dr. Logan. Herself an enthusiastic student 
of Pennsylvania history, or, at least, of that portion of it in 
which her immediate ancestors had been such conspicuous 
actors, she determined to place within the reach of fellow- 
students the important information it contained. She spent 
many years in revising and copying the manuscript and 
preparing it for publication. Unfortunately for her, she 
lost that reward for her labor of love which she had hoped 
for, having died in May, 1898, in England, whither she had 
gone on a visit to her sister. She was always, however, 
so much in earnest lest the lessons taught by the life of her 
grandfather should be denied to the public or should be 
forgotten, and that the precious memorial of his deeds pre- 
pared by her grandmother should be kept only as a family 
relic, that she appointed by her Will, as has been said, the 
Historical Society, in case of her death, her agent to carry 
out her wishes and superintend its publication. 

In this way and under this trust this manuscript comes 
into the hands of the Society. It seems necessary in order 
to explain the part taken by Dr. Logan in the political 
events of his time that a few words should be said concern- 
ing his environment or the very peculiar condition of society 



11ntro&uction 



here towards the close of the last century. Mrs. Logan, it 
is true, gives us a life-like picture of the career of her hus- 
band, but it must be remembered that since 1821, when her 
memoir was begun, much light has been thrown upon the 
policy of public transactions, in which Dr. Logan and his 
friends were conspicuous actors, by the publication of the 
lives and letters of many prominent statesmen who were 
his friends or opponents, and that we must take account of 
the information thus given us in reaching a conclusion con- 
cerning their acts and motives. 

Mrs. Logan was the daughter of Charles Norris, and was 
married to Dr. Logan in 1781. This lady occupied during 
her whole life a peculiar position in Pennsylvania society, 
her family, from its wealth, position, and influence, having 
always held the foremost rank. It is now hard to say 
whether she is best remembered by the generous and 
graceful hospitality which she dispensed for so many years 
at Stenton, her husband's seat, or by the charming account 
she has given us of the life there, and of her husband's ac- 
tive share in it, or by the contributions she made to Penn- 
sylvania provincial history, especially by her preparation of 
the " Penn-Logan Correspondence" at the request of this 
Society. She lived to a very advanced age, the object of 
the affection and reverence of all her relatives and friends, 
and contributing very much to keep up the reputation of 
Stenton as the most interesting historic dwelling-place in 
Pennsylvania. 

Dr. Logan lived in stirring times, new and untried prob- 
lems constantly presenting themselves, calling forth all the 
energy of his active and thoroughly trained mind for de- 



1^ntro^uction 



cision. During a large portion of the Revolution he was a 
young man living in Europe, pursuing for a time his medi- 
cal education, and afterwards travelling on the continent, 
so that his views of life were moulded by careful observa- 
tion of a society so different from his own. He seems to 
have devoted much time to scientific inquiries concerning 
improvements in agriculture, a subject which had a pecu- 
liar attraction for him, as he looked forward to passing his 
life as a farmer. He returned to his home in 1779, and 
found everything in apparently hopeless confusion, his beau- 
tiful estate of Stenton, which he had inherited from his 
father, and upon the returns of which he depended largely 
for his income, sadly dilapidated by neglect and by the re- 
cent inroads of the enemy. 

One of his first public acts after his return illustrates the 
benevolence of his character. A large number of the peo- 
ple of Charleston, who had been expelled from that town 
after its surrender to Sir Henry Clinton in 1 780, had taken 
refuge in Philadelphia, and were afterwards joined by their 
families. These people, numbering at least one thousand 
persons, were dependent for a considerable period on the 
liberality of the inhabitants of the city. They were gen- 
erously entertained, especially by the Quakers, and, as we 
shall discover, the families of Governor Rutledge, of Charles 
C. Pinckney, and of Thomas Pinckney resided as guests of 
Dr. Logan at Stenton for six months, and were there lib- 
erally provided for. 

He, however, set to work bravely to repair the damage 
from which his estate had suffered. The knowledge which 
he had acquired of scientific agriculture enabled him very 



Hntro^uction 



soon to restore his estate to the condition which it had oc- 
cupied previous to the Revolution, — that of a model farm. 
His character and his skill as a farmer soon became known 
to his neighbors, and he was forced to become their repre- 
sentative in the Assembly, where for four years (i 785-1 789) 
he strove with a discredited State constitution to bring 
about changes in the laws which would transform the prov- 
ince into an independent sovereign commonwealth. He 
seems to have been very much in earnest in this work of 
political reform. He studied carefully books on political 
and social science, the celebrated work of Adam Smith on 
the "Wealth of Nations," then recently published, being 
his favorite text-book. For matters of local interest, such 
as the treatment of the Indians, the lawfulness of defensive 
warfare, the sacredness of the rights of conscience, — indeed, 
in all those respects in which Pennsylvania, previous to the 
Revolution, held a proud pre-eminence among her sister 
colonies, — he followed, as far as it was practicable, the ex- 
ample or advocated the policy of his illustrious grandfather, 
James Logan. His grandfather had concerned himself, 
more particularly in early life, with studies in physical rather 
than with those of political or social science, in which de- 
partments of knowledge he was recognized as the fore- 
most scholar of the American colonies. We have only to 
glance over the catalogue of books once forming his private 
library, and now the Loganian Library, to discover that his 
grandson, surrounded by such a library, had, with perhaps 
an hereditary tendency, not only abundant opportunity of 
studying the application of science to the arts as then un- 
derstood, but also of gaining information concerning the 

13 



1Fntro^uction 



true means of developing generally the resources of a coun- 
try and of promoting the welfare of its inhabitants. Dr. 
Logan was no doubt led in his speculations on government 
to a certain extent by the benevolence of his disposition 
and by the fashion of the time for the new French philoso- 
phy of the encyclopaedists and by the brilliant denunciations 
of the existing order of society by Rousseau to take a some- 
what optimistic view of human nature, which regards man 
as essentially good and looks upon all the evil in him as the 
result of the corrupt and tyrannical power of the society of 
which he is a member. This sympathy with man as a suf- 
ferer under such conditions and his anxiety to relieve him 
were characteristic of Dr. Logan's acts and writings through- 
out life. He shared these opinions with some of the most 
illustrious Americans of the time, — among others, with Jef- 
ferson, with Dickinson, and, to a certain extent, with Frank- 
lin. It perhaps may be said, looking at his whole career, 
as was said of Jefferson, " He hoped to make his country 
forever pure and free ; to abolish war with its train of debt, 
extravagance, corruption, and tyranny ; to build up a gov- 
ernment devoted only to useful and moral objects, and to 
bring forth on earth a new era of peace and good will 
among men." 

With opinions such as these it is not to be wondered at 
that to him, in common with the large numbers of those to 
whom the crowning work of the American Revolution was 
its successful vindication of popular rights, the French Revo- 
lution seemed a new birth in the political world. We had 
at that time many reasons for loving France. Whatever 
may have been her motives, we could not but be grateful 

14 



1Intro&uction 



for the invaluable assistance which she had given us during 
the war. We forgot for a moment that it was monarchical 
France that had aided us, and the early acts of the revolu- 
tionary leaders in that country and the formal announce- 
ment of her political principles in the new constitution, 
"The Rights of Man," excited unbounded enthusiasm on 
all sides. For a time the English common law, which had 
governed us during the colonial era and which was the basis 
of our civilization generally, and which had grown up with 
it, seemed in danger of being supplanted by the French 
theories, which had become fashionable. The ardor of this 
sympathy with the revolutionary doctrinaires of France was, 
however, soon much cooled in the minds of many by the 
arbitrary and despotic cruelty by which the French republic 
was maintained and by the anti-social doctrines generally 
which it proclaimed. The two parties which contended for 
supremacy for so many years in this country, if not origi- 
nally born out of the controversy concerning the progress 
of the French Revolution, owed much of the vigor and bit- 
terness which marked their history to a difference of opinion 
concerning the acts which grew out of it. The vastly im- 
portant questions concerning our newly-framed Constitution 
were for a time subordinated to heated rhetoric concerning 
the new era which had dawned in France. The first open 
act of the government declaring its relations with the new 
French republic was the proclamation of neutrality issued 
by President Washington in April, 1793, France having 
entered upon a war with England and Spain, and Mr. 
Genet, the first French minister, having arrived, and show- 
ing himself disposed to appeal to those he called " the peo- 

15 



1lntro&uct(on 



pie," when the government refused to permit or sanction 
the course he pursued. The love of the French republican 
principles, gratitude towards France, the alliance with that 
country offensive and defensive which we had made with it 
in 1778, not to speak of a deep-seated hatred of England, 
perhaps not unnatural, drove the opponents of the adminis- 
tration, then called Republicans, into a most violent attack 
against the policy of the government, which was blamed 
because it did not look leniently upon the efforts made by 
the French republic to force us to live up to the provisions 
of the treaty of alliance of 1778, but was disposed, in the 
execution of its policy of neutrality, to look favorably upon 
English claims. To this Republican party Dr. Logan, in 
common with many conspicuous men, belonged, and he 
advocated their doctrines of sympathy with France with 
great earnestness. The era was one of violent abuse and 
controversy which did not spare the character and conduct 
and motives of Washington himself There is perhaps no 
chapter in our history more characterized by vulgar abuse 
and mendacious statements than this, in which Freneau, 
Hache, and Duane were the champions on the one side and 
Cobbett on the other. Dr. Logan, with all the ardor of his 
attachment to republican principles, never showed any sym- 
pathy with this low form of party warfare. He was not 
only an independent in his politics, but also a gentleman in 
his feelings. Many of his personal friends were Federalists, 
— Washington at their head, — men who were received at 
Stenton, as will be seen from reading Mrs. Logan's memoir, 
with the same gracious hospitality as that which marked the 
intercourse of the hosts with their warmest party adherents. 

i6 



1lntrol)uction 



It is true that as time went on party spirit became more and 
more virulent, and there grew up a disposition not perhaps so 
much to malign openly the acts as to denounce the motives 
of those who differed in political opinions. Hamilton, as is 
well known, was openly charged with a design to establish 
a monarchy ; and even Washington was not spared. From 
the time in which Jay's treaty was confirmed to the end of 
the century all who took an active part in politics on both 
sides were called by their antagonists all the vile names 
and said to be governed by all the unworthy motives con- 
ceivable. Nothing seems more curious in Mrs. Logan's 
memoir than the statement that her husband, desirous of 
going to France on his peace mission in 1 798, was closely 
watched by a committee of the opposite party, appointed 
expressly to prevent his departure, unless it be the state- 
ment of the owner of the vessel that, had he known Dr. 
Logan intended to be a passenger, he would have pre- 
vented his going. 

We should not forget that in those days the most exag- 
gerated language was employed in the newspapers in 
abusing politicians not of their own party. Much of this 
was in the nature of a threat and was little heeded ; yet 
there seemed at times a disposition to introduce here meas- 
ures which were suggested by that formidable engine of 
cruelty and tyranny which had condemned so many in 
France, — "/a loi des suspects!' Those who escaped from 
the penalties of the alien and sedition acts, but who were 
prominent as anti-Federal politicians, lived for a time under 
threats of the vengeance of their opponents. We some- 
times think that nothing could be more bitter than the at- 

17 



Ilntrobuction 



tacks we now witness upon candidates for public office, but 
we have not yet reached the depths of degradation when 
our fathers were accustomed every day to hear Washing- 
ton, Adams, Hamilton, Jefferson, Dickinson, McKean, and 
Logan, the true fathers of the Republic, spoken of either as 
confirmed aristocrats or as designing traitors. It seems 
difficult to explain this outbreak of party feeling at the close 
of the last century. Perhaps one cause may have been the 
loosely jointed system by which the federal power was 
exerted over the vast regions subject to it and the want of 
true national force arising out of the difficulties of commu- 
nication between the different parts of the country. 

These observations are made with the view of reminding 
those who look to the newspapers of the day for the motives 
which induced Dr. Logan to embark for Europe in the hope 
of averting the threatened hostilities between France and 
this country that these sources of information are not trust- 
worthy. To the one class he is an angel of peace, to the 
other a wily intriguer ready to sacrifice the interests and 
honor of his own country if he could help his own party at 
home to gain the ascendancy. 

Neither of these judgments is well formed, and we are 
fortunate in possessing " the plain unvarnished tale" of Mrs. 
Logan, which bears the stamp of truth on its very face and 
is confirmed by all that has since been told us by disinter- 
ested witnesses. 

Jtin 1798 the settlement of our relations with France en- 
gaged the earnest attention of the government. Our for- 
eign commerce had been nearly destroyed by the capture 
of the vessels engaged in it by the cruisers of France and 

18 



lFntro^uction 



of England. This injury we alleged had been done in clear 
violation of our rights as a neutral power and with full 
knowledge of the declaration we had made of those rights 
by the proclamation of 1793. Our object was, if possible, 
to avoid war, but to accomplish our purpose by yielding, 
for the time at least, some of the numerous claims which we 
then had against both powers. On this basis we had suc- 
ceeded, in 1794, in making a treaty, commonly known as 
"Jay's treaty," the provisions of which, although very dis- 
tasteful to the party opposed to the administration as well 
as to France, was then the law of the land. The govern- 
ment then undertook negotiations with France in order to 
settle the question of neutral rights and to protect our com- 
merce from the depredations of that power, and the result 
was looked for with great anxiety, as by the acts of the 
French government we had been drawn perilously near 
war. Messrs. Marshall, Pinckney, and Gerry were sent to 
France as commissioners to carry on these negotiations. 
These gentlemen were not received by the foreign minister, 
and they soon found that neither they nor any other minister 
would be recognized as representing the United States. 
The principal cause assigned by the French authorities was 
the conclusion of Jay's treaty, which was claimed to be hos- 
tile to France. It was suggested, however, that this hostility 
might be atoned for by a bribe of two hundred and fifty 
thousand dollars on our part to the members of the execu- 
tive directory. Such was the sort of diplomacy which the 
French government then ventured, in its contempt of our 
weakness, to indulge in. Such a proposition, which was 
rightly regarded by Messrs. Marshall and Pinckney as a 

19 



"Hntro^uction 



personal and national insult, drove them out of France, 
leaving Mr. Gerry, who was of the opposition to the admin- 
istration, to try and see what he could do alone. His for- 
giveness of the insult was unavailing, and no treaty was 
made nor negotiations resumed. 

Such was the condition of affairs when Dr. George LogariTj 
thinking that he might assist Gerry in the negotiation, 
determined to go to France, earnestly hoping that he 
might aid in averting the war which seemed to him immi- 
nent. Possibly he may have thought, from certain hints 
dropped by the official subordinates with whom the commis- 
sioners were allowed to confer, that his membership of the 
anti-federal party might give him some special influence in 
his intercourse with the French authorities. He had, of 
course, no official relation with the commissioners, French 
or American, or any one of them. Still he was disposed to 
try, and afterwards did try, what effect the arguments which 
as a private gentleman he might use would have with the 
French ministers. Whether this course of action was a wise 
or judicious one, or ever promised any good result, is not 
the question. Everything about the life of Dr. Logan pro- 
claimed that he was an enthusiast, certainly not less in the 
display of his love of country than in regard to all subjects 
which excited his interest and sympathy. He was to the 
last degree hopeful and self-reliant. It seems strange that 
a man with these well-known characteristics, leaving home 
to accomplish what was apparently a most benevolent pur- 
pose, even if it was hopeless, should be branded as a traitor 
and a spy, who sought to compromise the true interests and 
dignity of his country for the sake of party advantage. Yet 



lIntrot)uctton 



such was his fate, and the full story is told by Mrs. Logan 
in this volume. Dr. Logan embarked at Philadelphia for 
Hamburg (that being the best route then open for his jour- 
ney to Paris) in June, 1798. After meeting with many dif- 
ficulties in his efforts to reach Paris, fully detailed by Mrs. 
Logan in her memoir, he arrived there only to find that Mr. 
Gerry had taken his departure. 

This, of course, took away what little authority his volun- 
teer mission might have had. In some way, not very dis- 
tinctly explained, he was brought into quite intimate relations 
with members of the executive directory, — Merlin, the chief, 
Le Peaux, Talleyrand, and others. How he availed himself 
of the opportunities of presenting the position of his country 
towards France is best seen in the letters in which he sought 
to explain his conduct. We can hardly understand the 
abuse which was heaped upon him by some of his country- 
men, unless we suppose that his opponents thought that he 
was dealing with the same men who had offered to sell what 
they supposed to be the interests of their country to our 
regular agents for a large bribe. " No sensible man," ac- 
cording to the newspapers, "can hesitate to suspect that 
his infernal design can be anything less than the introduc- 
tion of a French army to teach us the value of true and 
essential liberty by reorganizing our government through 
the blessed operation of the bayonet and the guillotine. 
Let every American now gird on his sword. The dema- 
gogue is gone to the Directory for purposes destructive of 
your lives, property, liberty, and holy religion." But the 
letters speak for themselves, and will be found in the Ap- 
pendix, 



■flntro^uction 



How any one, even among the most malignant opponents 
of Dr. Logan's general political views, could have believed 
that any corrupt motive or secret design to aid the Demo- 
cratic party by favoring peaceful relations with France could 
exist in his mind it is hard to understand. His enemies 
represented that he had been received " coolly" by Presi- 
dent Adams and General Washington on his return. As 
to the latter he had sent to the President a letter from Mr. 
Barlow, an American resident in Paris, urging that a treaty 
of peace should be made, in which the general stated that 
he was willing to enter into correspondence with its writer, 
Mr. Barlow, " a private gentleman without any visible cre- 
dentials or public character or responsibility to either gov- 
ernment, in order to bring about a public negotiation." So 
a short time afterwards Mr. Adams, after stating that he 
had favorably received overtures for peace from private 
citizens in France like Mr. Codman, Mr. Cutting, and Mr. 
Barlow, wrote as follows : 

" Mr. Logan, of Philadelphia, a gentleman of fortune and 
education, and certainly not destitute of abilities, who had 
for several years been a member of the Legislature of Penn- 
sylvania, and has since been a Senator of the United States, 
though I knew that he had been one of the old constitu- 
tional party in that State and a zealous disciple of that 
democratical school which has propagated many errors in 
America, and perhaps many tragical catastrophes in Europe, 
went to France either with the pretext or real design of im- 
proving his knowledge of agriculture and seeing the practice 
of it in that country. I had no reason to believe him a cor- 
rupt character or deficient in memory or veracity. After 



■|Intro^uction 



his return he called on me and in a polite manner informed 
me that he had been honoured with conversations with Tal- 
leyrand, who had been well acquainted with me and re- 
peatedly been entertained at my house, and now visited 
me at his request to express to me the desire of the Di- 
rectory, as well as his own, to accommodate all disputes 
with America and to forget all that was past. I knew the 
magical words Democrat and Jacobin were enough to de- 
stroy the credibility of any witness with some people, but 
not so with me. I saw marks of candour and sincerity in 
this relation that convinced me of its truth." * 

The only public recognition which this self-imposed task 
of Dr. Logan, by which the French embargo was lifted and 
hundreds of American sailors were released from French 
prisons, to say nothing of opening the way to peace, ever 
received was the passage by Congress of an act which 
stamped as a crime, punishable with fine and imprisonment, 
acts such as those which Dr. Logan had committed. 

Dr. Logan returned to Stenton in the autumn of 1798 
with his attachment to popular and democratic principles as 
then held by Mr. Jefferson and the anti-Federal party much 
strengthened. He was spoken of by his political friends as 
something of a martyr, besides being in their opinion a suc- 
cessful negotiator. He was soon selected by them as the 
fittest man to represent them in the State Legislature. In 
those days that body was composed of men of character 
well known to their constituents by their capacity and in- 
tegrity in the communities to which they belonged. There 

* See vol. ii. pp. 192, 193, of Gibbs's Administration of Washington 
and Adams. 

23 



■flntrot»uctton 



was then, of course, independence of mere party bonds to 
an extent now unknown on the part of the members, and 
the influence of men who had proved themselves capable of 
the higher form of legislation was encouraged. Dr. Logan 
was no doubt in this body a party leader, but where his 
opinions were fixed by study and reflection it was impossi- 
ble to divert him from his course. It is not easy at this 
time to point out the measures he advocated. He had 
views on certain subjects which seem now strange and pe- 
culiar. He strongly opposed the grant of the franchise for 
constructing a turnpike road between Philadelphia and Lan- 
caster, but it was because of the liberty granted by it to 
strangers to enter upon the land needed for the road, 
even if the owner was assured of payment for it. He was 
opposed to allowing soldiers under arms to vote, doubtless 
because of some chimerical fear of the dangers of a standing 
army ; he was not in favor of encouraging manufactures in 
this country, although he favored domestic manufactures in 
every household, because he had been deeply impressed 
with the horrors of what was called the factory system, as 
carried on in Europe. He was the enlightened and per- 
sistent advocate of public education at a time when the re- 
ligious sect to which he belonged — the Quakers — hesitated 
for a long time to accept the munificent gift of John Dick- 
inson and his wife for the support of a seminary of learning, 
lest while knowledge might come religion would linger. 

Whatever may be thought of Dr. Logan's idiosyncrasies 
now, it is very certain that they did not weaken the confi- 
dence of his party adherents in him at that time. He was 
elected in 1802 by the Legislature a Senator of the United 



Ilntrobuction 



States as successor of General Muhlenberg, who had re- 
signed the office. He remained in the Senate for six years, 
and took part in all the exciting controversies of the time. 
Notwithstanding his very decided views in regard to the 
construction of the Constitution, he supported Mr. Jefferson 
in his measures for the acquisition of Louisiana, for the set- 
tlement of its boundaries, and a form of government which 
for a time disfranchised the inhabitants of that territory. 
He helped the administration to overcome the thorny diffi- 
culties which stood in the way of settling our rights as a 
neutral power against their constant violation by France 
and England, and he, like Jefferson, was accused of sacri- 
ficing to a love of peace our well-founded claims for redress. 
He shared, too, with the administration the policy which 
was adopted when some of the States, especially in New 
England, driven nearly to madness by the embargo and 
non-intercourse acts, were discussing, in grave earnest, pro- 
jects of secession. We never hear of any factious appeals 
from Dr. Logan while he was a member of the Senate, and 
when his term of office expired he went to England, in 1810, 
hoping by his intercourse with people of influence there to 
avert the war with this country which he regarded as immi- 
nent. He was brought into pleasant relations in England 
with many eminent men of both parties, all professing a 
sincere desire for peace ; but after all his efforts the gov- 
ernment, strongly intrenched in the belief that their existing 
policy was the one best suited to maintain their maritime 
supremacy, declined to revoke those Orders of Council which 
were ruining our commerce. In his efforts to prevent war 
with England he was not unmindful of the increasing power 

1 ' 



■flntrobuction 



of France and the danger of its rendering null that treaty 
by which her unscrupulous emperor had ceded Louisiana to 
us should such a course be found necessary for carrying 
out his ambitious schemes. Jealousy of Napoleon and alarm 
at the dangers to be apprehended from him should his am- 
bition lead him to undertake conquests on this continent 
became cardinal doctrines of the leaders of a large sec- 
tion of the Democratic party during the wars of the Em- 
pire, and nowhere will he be found more severely judged 
or his course condemned than in the letters of Jefferson, 
Dickinson, Dallas, and Logan. When we were at last 
forced into a war with England both powers had nearly 
reached the period of utter exhaustion. Still Dr. Logan 
and his friends opposed with the greatest zeal our entering 
upon hostilities, feeling that the objects we aimed at could 
be better reached by friendly negotiation. The letters to 
and from Dr. Logan clearly illustrate the opinions of him- 
self and his political friends (of the highest position and 
influence) concerning the war of 1 8 1 2 and their eflTorts to 
avert it. 

After the war of 181 2 Dr. Logan retired wholly from 
public life. He had never been an active partisan, or what 
in these days is called a "machine politician," — making use 
of his influence with his party to advance his personal inter- 
ests and those of his adherents. He was surrounded by 
many whose conduct was governed by lofty motives. It 
may be mentioned here, perhaps, to the high honor of two 
of the most active and distinguished of our early Pennsyl- 
vania politicians, — John Dickinson and George Logan, — that 
the reputation of both of them has come down to us unspot- 

26 



Ifntrobuction 



ted by any taint of selfish or private advantage. The pubHc 
measures they advocated and the political theories upon 
which some of them were based may now seem unwise or 
inexpedient, but they were always the result of painstaking 
and conscientious investigation. They both lived long 
enough to find their principles discarded by the party with 
which they had acted, but their convictions were so strong 
and so well intrenched that they never wavered in main- 
taining them. They both remained to their lives' end stu- 
dents of the highest form of self-government, and in the 
quiet of a country life, that " classic diversion of a states- 
man's care," they sought to discover the true principle 
which should rule a modern society such as ours. 

Dr. Logan's retirement did not diminish his interest in 
public men and public affairs. Stenton became a most 
attractive place of resort not merely for those of his neigh- 
bors who shared the views of its owner, but for many well- 
known strangers who came there to enjoy the cultivated 
society which gathered around Dr. Logan and his highly 
accomplished wife. As Stenton is so closely identified with 
Dr. Logan's career, and was in itself one of the most famous 
of the colonial mansions, we borrow from Mr. Westcott's 
book the following account of the place and its historic asso- 
ciations : 

" About the year 1728 James Logan commenced the building of a house 
upon a piece of ground which belonged to him on the Germantown Road 
south of the village. This property was composed of several pieces which 
had been acquired by various titles. It was a large tract which touched 
on the east side of Germantown Road above Nicetown at the intersection 
of the Township Line Road and running over to the Old York Road. 

27 



■|Fntrot»uction 



Through the grounds ran the Wingohocking, a branch of Tacony or 
Frankford Creek, afterwards known as "Logan's Run." The house was 
a plain two-story brick, with a pent roof and attics, sufficiently spacious 
to insure ease and elegance. The house is believed to have been finished 
in 1728. Mrs. Sarah Butler Wister, in the sketch of Deborah Logan in 
'Worthy Women of Our First Century,' describes Stenton with a loving 
minuteness which fills out a perfect picture. ' Round the house there 
was the quiet stir and movement of a country place, with its large gardens 
full of old-fashioned flowers and fruits, its poultry-yard, and stables. The 
latter were connected with the house by an underground passage which 
led to a concealed staircase and a door under the roof, like the "priest's 
escape" in some old English country-seats. . . . The offices surrounded 
the main building, and were connnected with it by brick courts and cov- 
ered ways. They were all at the back, and so disposed as to enhance the 
picturesque and dignified air of the old mansion, the interior of which 
is as curious to modern eyes as it is imposing. One enters by a brick 
hall, opposite to which is the magnificent double staircase, while right and 
left are lofty rooms covered with fine old-fashioned wood-work, in some 
of them the wainscot being carried up to the ceiling above the chimney- 
place, which in all the apartments was a vast opening set round with 
blue and white sculptured tiles of the most grotesque devices. There 
are corner cupboards, and in some of the rooms cupboards in arched 
niches over the mantel-pieces, capital showcases for the rare china and 
magnificent old silver which adorned the dinner-table on state occasions. 
Half of the front of the house in the second story was taken up by one 
large finely lighted room, the library of the book-loving mjisters of the 
place. 

" ' The grounds were adorned with fine old trees. A splendid avenue 
of hemlocks, which legend would only be satisfied with declaring were 
planted by William Penn (although he, poor man ! was dead years before 
Stenton was built), led up to the house. The Wingohocking meandered 
through the plantation, lighting up the landscape with brightness wherever 
its placid surface was seen. Stenton was a house for the living, but the 
affection which the owners had for it made the estate in time a last resting- 
place for the dead. The family graveyard is romantically situated, sur- 

28 



llntrobuction 



rounded with old trees and with all accessories of a spot to be picked out 
as a beautiful garden of the dead. ' 

"After Stenton was built it was first occupied as a summer residence, 
but in time it became Logan's permanent dwelling. In deeds made in 
1730 he describes himself as 'James Logan of Philadelphia,' but in 1732 
he begins to call himself 'James Logan of Stenton.' Here, in conse- 
quence of his sickness, many affairs of state were transacted. From 
August, 1736, to August, 1738, James Logan was President of the Coun- 
cil, and many consultations were held at Stenton. Deputations of Indians 
who visited Philadelphia found it convenient to seek the seat near Ger- 
mantown, and accommodations which might be called permanent were 
made for their reception on the grounds. On some occasions there were 
three or four hundred sons of the forest at Stenton, and the deputations 
would remain for days enjoying the hospitality of the plantation. Can- 
nassetego, chief of the Onondagas, in a treaty made with the Six Nations 
at Philadelphia in July, 1742, by Governor George Thomas and council, 
thus expressed himself in relation to Logan : ' Brethren, we called at our 
friend James Logan's on our way to this city, and to our grief found him 
hid in the bushes and retired through infirmities from public business. 
We pressed him to leave his retirement, and prevailed with him to assist 
once more on our account at your council. He is a wise man and a fast 
friend to the Indians, and we desire when his soul goes to God you may 
choose in his room just such another person of the same prudence and 
ability in counselling, and of the same tender disposition and affection for 
the Indians.' Between 1731 and 1739 Logan was chief justice of the 
province, and when he was not able to come to the city the consultations 
of himself and associates were held at Stenton." 

At different times Peter S. Duponceau, the aide-de-camp 
of Steuben and President of the Historical Society, was a 
guest; at others, Robert Walsh, who was regarded as 
the most eminent publicist (not a politician) of his day, was 
welcomed ; then Dupont de Nemours, one of the purest 
of the French revolutionary patriots, charmed every one 

29 * 



■flntrobuction 



with the reminiscences of his stormy career. And John 
Randolph of Roanoke added a charm peculiarly his own to 
the attractions of the place ; and last and strangest of all, 
Colonel Pickering, once the violent opponent of Dr. Logan, 
became in later years an honored guest and one of his 
warmest friends. Dr. Logan kept up, too, his correspond- 
ence with many conspicuous persons he had known during 
his service as a Senator. As an independent thinker he 
spoke his mind pretty freely in his letters to Jefferson, 
Madison, Monroe, and Randolph, as the reader will find by 
turning to his letters. 

As to Dr. Logan's character in private Hfe, our best guide 
is the language of his disconsolate widow : " We had lived 
together," she says, " nearly forty years, and the most affec- 
tionate love and entire confidence always subsisted between 
us, from which I had reason to believe that I perfectly knew 
his character, and a more kind and humane heart or more 
upright and just emotions I am sure no man could possess. 
. . . He was constant in his attachments, a most tender 
husband, a kind father, a just and good landlord and mas- 
ter, and a steady and efificient friend." 

After a languishing illness of many months he died at 
Stenton, April 9, 1821, at the age of sixty-seven years, and 
his body was interred in the family burial-ground there. 

C. J. S. 



Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 
January, 1899. 



30 



riDemoir 

of 

2)t. GcoxQC Xogan of Stenton 

¥¥¥ 

CHAPTER I 

Mts Earls Xife an5 E&ucation 

4^^ I'HE infinitely wise and good God having been 
V JL pleased in the course of His overruling provi- 
dence to take out of this transitory life my hon- 
oured and beloved husband, I have thought it to be my duty 
for the information of his family and posterity, but without 
any view whatever to the publication of the present work, 
to attempt some biographical notices of his life and char- 
acter, — imperfect and unsatisfactory as I fear they will 
prove both from my conscious inability to undertake such 
a task and the scantiness of the materials from which it 
must be compiled. I know and feel that the only claim 
to attention which I can urge will be the uncommon dis- 
interestedness, patriotism, and integrity of the character 
whose delineation I am about to attempt and the strict 
regard to veracity which shall guide my pen in this un- 
dertaking. 

Dr. George Logan was born at Stenton, the seat of [his] 
ancestors, in the county of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, on 
the 9th day of the ninth month (September), 1753. His 
father, William Logan, was eldest surviving son of the cele- 

31 



flilemoir of Dr. (Beorge Xogan 



brated James Logan, one of the most excellent as well as 
learned men of whom our country has had to boast. Wil- 
liam Logan was likewise a virtuous and respectable man, a 
good citizen, upright, and public-spirited. He married 
Hannah Emlen, daughter of George Emlen, of Philadel- 
phia, a beautiful and pious woman. Dr. Logan was their 
third son, and was sent at an early age with a brother a 
year younger than himself to England for his education.* 

The brothers did not stay long in Europe, but, returning 
to this country, George perfected himself in the Latin lan- 
guage under the celebrated Robert Proud, and was after- 
wards apprenticed to a merchant of Philadelphia (the ven- 
erable John Reynell), notwithstanding he had manifested 
the most marked predilection for the study of medicine, 

* One circumstance respecting the early part of my husband's life I wish 
to preserve, and think I can do it better in a note than interrupting the 
thread of my little narrative. It strongly tends to illustrate the remark of 
our great poet that 

" The childhood shows the man." — MiLTON. 

During the time he was first in England, when he was scarce ten years 
old, his sister had knit two purses and sent them to her absent brothers, 
each containing a piece of gold, the largest sum of which at that time 
they had ever had the disposal. George had become acquainted with a 
lame boy, whose mother, an industrious, indigent woman with a family to 
maintain, lived in the neighbourhood. He carried his little treasure to 
this poor widow and desired it might be expended in putting her lame 
son to school, which he had the pleasure to see accomplished. And the 
reflection which my beloved husband made when he related this little in- 
cident to me was. How would it have been possible so to have expended 
the money as to have procured for him equal gratification ? It lasted 
through life. 

32 



flnemoir of Dr. (Beorge Xogan 



His father's objection to gratifying him in this particular 
arose from the circumstance of his eldest surviving son 
having settled in Philadelphia in the practice of that pro- 
fession. But at length the intercession of this brother* 
joined to his own earnest remonstrances, prevailed with 
the father, and after he had served out the term of his 
apprenticeship his father permitted him to return to Eng- 
land in order to qualify himself for the practice of physic, 
the strong inclination which he felt for this science having 
been fostered and indulged from infancy. At an early 
age he had innoculated himself, his parents being irreso- 
lute or contradictory on the propriety of inflicting the dis- 
ease on their children, and he passed through it in the 
most favourable manner. 

During his apprenticeship he had much leisure. The 
opulence of the merchant with whom he was placed enabling 
him to retire from business, he suffered it to decline, and his 
apprentice eagerly seized this opportunity to read medical 
books, of which he found an ample supply in his father's 
library, at that period very much enlarged by a collection 
of the best authors which had belonged to his deceased 
uncle. Dr. William Logan, Sr., who had been a successful 
practitioner in the city of Bristol, England, two thousand 
volumes of which were afterwards devised as legacies to the 
Loganian and Philadelphia Libraries. 

William Logan did not long survive his son's departure 
for Europe, but previous to his death he had witnessed the 

* Dr. William Logan, Jr. He was an amiable young man of distin- 
guished abilities, and had entered upon the practice of his profession with 
every prospect of success, but was suddenly cut off in the flower of his age. 

33 



fIDemoir of 2>r. (Bcorae Xogan 



sorrowful decease of his eldest son, and was now well 
pleased that another was desirous to qualify himself forthe 
practice of medicine, and he earnestly recommended him to 
the care of his worthy friends David Barclay and the cele- 
brated Dr. Fothergill, with whom he had long been in the 
habit of intimate correspondence. Dr. Logan always ac- 
knowledged in the most grateful manner the attentions 
which he received from these good men. By Dr. Fothergill's 
advice he boarded himself in the family of Dr. Simms, in 
Essex, father of the present Dr. Simms, one of the physi- 
cians to the royal family. To this gentleman he gave a pre- 
mium for his instruction and undertook to compound all his 
prescriptions, for, unlike the usual practice in that country, 
he furnished the medicines himself to his patients, who were 
very numerous ; and Dr. Logan often attended them with 
him, and otherwise pursued his studies with such diligence 
that he scarcely allowed himself time for necessary recrea- 
tion, or even for the refreshment of sufficient sleep. After 
passing a twelvemonth in this manner, and having obtained 
a good knowledge of pharmacy, he repaired to Edinburgh, 
where his diligent attention to the means of improvement, 
his eager desire of knowledge, the temperance of his habits, 
and his gentlemanly deportment secured for him universal 
esteem. The professors regarded him as one of their dis- 
tinguished pupils, and he ranked the most amiable of the 
students as his friends. I have heard him particularly men- 
tion Dr. Parry, Dr. Currie, of Liverpool ; Dr. Fox, of Fal- 
mouth ; Dr, Fowler, and a very promising young physician, 
a son of the celebrated Dr. Darwin, with whom he was very 
intimate. The last died during the period of his studies at 

34 



flUemotr of H)r. (5eorge Xogan 



Edinburgh of a putrid fever contracted by dissecting a mor- 
bid body. His father was sent for during his illness, but 
did not arrive until after his death. He was distressed, no 
doubt, at finding that event had taken place which deprived 
him of an excellent and accomplished son and the profession 
of an expected ornament ; but after viewing the lifeless 
corpse he immediately left Edinburgh without staying to 
witness its interment. A mode of conduct so different from 
our own usages on such occasions, and which at least ap- 
peared unfeeling, filled the mind of Dr. Logan, who had 
been very attentive to his friend through the whole of his 
fatal illness, with astonishment and disgust. 

There is perhaps no sensation so gratifying and delight- 
ful to the human mind as the consciousness of its improve- 
ment ; and it is this which makes the recollection of time 
spent in the acquisition of knowledge so full of pleasing 
images. Dr. Logan delighted to dwell on the satisfaction 
which his residence in Scotland had afforded to him, and he 
left it after three years' residence with "the friendship and 
respect of all those to whom he had been known, which in- 
cluded the names of those great men in literature and the 
sciences who were then laying the foundation of those 
schools of proficiency which have since dignified their capi- 
tal with the appellation of the Athens of the North. He 
had during his stay been elected president of the medical 
society, an institution founded by the students to further 
their attainments in the profession, and which has been 
found greatly to facilitate the end proposed. Dr. Logan 
obtained his degree of Doctor of Medicine in 1779, and left 
Edinburgh, as I have before remarked, intent upon gaining 

35 



flDemoir ot Dr. <3coxqc Xogan 



for himself some other advantages in the schools of London 
and Paris.* 

There is still remaining in the possession of his family at 
Stenton a copy-book of letters addressed to his younger 
brother in Philadelphia, written at this period, which shows 
how intent was his mind on information and improvement, 
and likewise is a demonstration of the goodness of his heart, 
fraught with sentiments of honour and benevolence, and 
breathing that true fraternal affection which endeavoured to 
incite his brother both by precept and example to a life of 
virtue and usefulness to mankind. 

After he left Scotland he visited several parts of England 
and Ireland, and, crossing over to the continent, travelled 
through Holland, to France, Germany, and Italy. He made 
the longest stay in France, where he attended the anatomi- 
cal lectures. Dr. Franklin was then resident at the French 
Court and was extremely kind and friendly to his young 
countryman, saying that he was happy to have it in his 
power to return the obligation which he himself had received 
in his young and inexperienced years from the friendship 
and wisdom of Dr. Logan's grandfather. At Passy, in the 
company of the sage, Dr. Logan spent many delightful 
hours ; he was on terms of the greatest intimacy, admitted 
into his study, and frequently breakfasted and spent the 
morning with him, and it seemed impossible to be in Frank- 
lin's company without feeling yourself to advance in the 

* When Dr. Logan returned to America in 1779 he brought letters of 
warm recommendation from Dr. Franklin to several influential characters 
stating the correctness of his conduct and principles with respect to his 
own country whilst abroad. 

36 



(memoir of Dr. (Beoroe Xogan 



scale of improvement, his various knowledge, his clear com- 
mon sense, wit, and intelligence diffusing itself through his 
easy and unaffected conversation like the corruscations of 
his own brilliant discoveries from a highly charged object. 

An occurrence took place about this time, connected with 
one of these visits to Passy, which Dr. Logan used in after- 
life to mention as what had given him a strong distaste to 
arbitrary power, and placing in contrast the blessings and 
benefits of a free constitution where the rights of every in- 
dividual are placed under the protection of the laws, and 
the meanest criminal cannot be imprisoned without knowing 
for what crime it is inflicted and who are his accusers. 
Dining one day at Passy with other company, a Mr. Adair 
was introduced by Dr. Franklin as an American gentleman, 
but from what State I do not recollect. During the enter- 
tainment the difficulty of procuring Madeira wine at that 
time in France was mentioned by Dr. Franklin, when Mr. 
Adair said he had some very fine and would do himself the 
pleasure of sending the doctor a few dozen. In the even- 
ing, when the company broke up. Dr. Logan asked Mr. 
Adair to take a seat in his post-chaise, as that gentleman 
was without a conveyance of his own. He accepted the 
offer, and it produced an interchange of visits. Shortly 
after, Dr. Logan, calling at his lodging, was informed by his 
servant that Mr. Adair had disappeared in an unaccountable 
manner ; his effects were all left behind, his money in his 
banker's hands, but no intelligence of him had transpired. 
At length it was known that he had been confined by a 
lettre de cachet in the Bastille upon a suspicion that the wine 
he had presented to Dr. Franklin was poisoned. The arrest 

37 



nnemoir of Dr. (Beorge Xogan 



was officially made without the knowledge of our minister, 
and I believe the liberation was in consequence of his inter- 
ference. 

Dr. Logan continued his attentions to this great man 
after his return to his native country, and had the pleasure 
of being ranked among the friends of his declining years. 
A remarkable trait in his character was that, even in his 
early youth, he sought the company of his seniors, who were 
distinguished for their wisdom and virtue. 

I have often thought that Dr. Franklin must have sensi- 
bly felt the difference between the eclat which he enjoyed at 
the Court of France and the reception which he met with 
upon his final return to his native country. 

The elements of two parties were then fermenting them- 
selves into the form which they afterwards assumed. The 
mass of the population of Pennsylvania was, as it has been 
ever since (and may I not say ever was ?), decidedly demo- 
cratic ; but there was a contrary spirit then dominant and 
thinly diffused over the surface of society which rejected the 
philosopher because they thought he was too much of that 
popular stamp. 

The first constitution of our State after the Revolution, 
which was his work, though adopted by the great body of 
the people, was disliked ; and I well remember the remark 
of a fool, though a fashionable party-man at the time, that 
it was by no means " fashionable" to visit Dr. Franklin. 
No doubt he was saved from much impertinence by the 
company of such being withheld ; but it may justly be ques- 
tioned whether those were not greatly the losers who with- 
held from themselves the entertainment and advantages of 

38 



nncmoir of 2)r. (Beorge Xogan 



his rich and varied conversation. Foreigners of the first 
distinction thought themselves happy in obtaining such a 
privilege, and a few of his old and tried friends yet remained 
to cheer the evening of his eventful life. One of these (the 
venerable Charles Thomson) was very often with him, and 
he has told me that, visiting the doctor on his sick-bed a 
short time before he died, he, in an allusion to a conversa- 
tion that had formerly passed between them, said, "It is 
best to believe." * 

My husband was in the habit of visiting him very often, 
and in his last illness frequently watched with him and spent 
many hours at his bedside, and finally was one of those who, 
in compliance with our ancient usages, assisted to bear the 
corpse of this eminent man to the place of interment, the 
city watchmen who were in attendance being set aside in 
favour of a still more primitive custom and their places sup- 
plied by some of the most distinguished citizens. 

I have already mentioned that Dr. Logan had the misfor- 

* I have myself had the pleasure of being a few times in Dr. Franklin's 
society. His conversation was easy, and appeared to grow entirely out of 
the circumstances that presented themselves to the company, yet I observed 
that if you did not find you had acquired something by being with him it 
must be placed to the account of your own want of attention. His familiar 
letters give you a good idea of his conversation, — a natural and good- 
humoured (not sarcastic) wit played cheerfully along and beguiled you into 
maxims of prudence and wisdom. The man who could make the sayings 
of "Poor Richard" fashionable in France must have had no ordinary 
powers of conversation. What a pity there should have been any " errata" 
in his moral conduct ! What a pity that he should have stooped to dis- 
honour his pen by the false statements and glosses of " The Critical Review 
of the Government of Pennsylvania" ! 

39 



fiDemoir of 2)r. (Scoxqc Xogan 



tune to lose his father soon after he embarked for England. 
The death of his mother followed in a few months ; and 
when, after his return, he received possession of his pater- 
nal estate, he found it little better than a wreck. His house 
at Stenton had, indeed, been more fortunate than many 
others in the neighbourhood, for it had escaped being burned 
by the British army at the time that they fired Fairhill and 
sixteen other seats and houses in its vicinity, and it seemed 
to owe its preservation to the presence of mind of an old 
domestic, who had remained in it through all the vicissitudes 
of its serving for head-quarters for both armies. 

On the unfortunately memorable day (November 22, 
1777) that they committed these wanton depredations two 
British soldiers came to the house and, as an act of special 
favour, desired the old woman, if she possessed a bed or any 
furniture of her own, to take it out direcdy, as they intended 
to fire the house. She remonstrated, but they were deaf 
to her oratory, and went to the barn for straw wherewith 
to effect their design. Happily, at that moment an officer 
with a drawn sword in his hand galloped down the lane and 
inquired of the woman if she could give him any informa- 
tion respecting deserters. She quickly replied that two 
such had seen him coming and were gone to the barn to 
secrete themselves. He was there in a moment, and drove 
them before him, notwithstanding their protestations that 
they belonged to Colonel Twisleton's * party sent to fire 
the rebels' houses. 

* Afterwards Lord Say and Sele. A person who was present at head- 
quarters heard him exultingly tell General Howe that he had burned that 

d d rebel Dickinson's house, meaning " Fairhill," a seat of uncommon 

40 



memoir of Br. (Bcorge Xogan 



After that day no more devastations of that kind were 
permitted, but the farm was completely pillaged and laid 
waste, so that when its owner returned to Pennsylvania the 
war and its consequences had left him nothing to receive at 
the hands of his father's executors but wasted estates and 
piles of utterly depreciated paper currency. 

value and beauty. Galloway, who was also there, told him he was mis- 
taken. Mr. Dickinson had, indeed, resided there, but it was the property 
of a minor. The interference of Galloway, it was said, prevented any 
more orders to burn houses. 

" Fairhill" had been settled on my brothers by their cousins, the daugh- 
ters of Isaac Norris, Esq., very soon after his decease. 



41 



CHAPTER II 
IReturns IHome an& JEstablisbes Mimself at Stenton 

IN times of national prosperity resources are avail- 
able upon every hand, and money to a large 
amount can be commanded by those who have 
landed property to offer as security ; but it is difficult now 
to conceive the distress and embarrassment which attended 
this period of our affairs. Dr. Logan found it difficult to 
obtain even a small sum on loan notwithstanding the ample 
security which he had to offer. He returned to this country 
in the fall of 1780, and in about a twelvemonth after we 
were married (September 6, 1781). It now became neces- 
sary for him to decide upon what should be his future occu- 
pation in life. He had some experience of the difficulties 
attendant on an entrance to his profession, and, on the 
other hand, the dilapidated state of his affairs required his 
utmost care ; so after much reflection and doubt, after a resi- 
dence of some months in Philadelphia, we removed to Sten- 
ton. But I ought to say that previous to our removal it 
had been in the occupancy of three of the most distinguished 
gentlemen who, with their wives and families, were refugees 
from Charleston, in South Carolina, at that time in posses- 
sion of the British forces, — General Charles Cotesworth 
Pinckney, his brother, Major Thomas Pinckney (then labour- 
ing under a severe wound received in defence of his coun- 
try), and Edward Rutledge, Esq., afterwards governor of 
South Carolina. They were hospitably accommodated by 
Dr. Logan with the loan of his house and furniture and sup- 

42 



flUemoir of Dr. (Bcorge Xogan 



plied with wood for their famiHes during their stay, which 
was above six months, a Hberality which he extended to 
many other of the refugees who passed that winter in Phila- 
delphia, most of them persons of competent estates ; but 
the situation of their country, in the possession of the 
enemy's forces, rendering it impossible for them to com- 
mand money, they found themselves in very distressing cir- 
cumstances at that period. 

Upon our settlement in the country my husband turned 
his attention to agriculture with all the enthusiasm natural 
to his character, and in a little time the improved state of 
his farm attracted general notice. I think I never saw finer 
fields of clover and timothy than were at that time to be 
seen at Stenton ; he was also one of the first who used gyp- 
sum as a manure, and its success at the beginning was won- 
derful. Perhaps at no period of his life did he experience 
greater happiness than at this, his intervals of leisure being 
employed in reading authors of the greatest utility in agri- 
cultural and political science, and he was one of the fore- 
most and most zealous advocates in whatever he thought 
would promote the public good. The Agricultural Society 
of Philadelphia and a similar one for the county were among 
those objects ; that for the county was first brought together 
at Stenton. He invited a number of gentlemen of the 
vicinity to dine with him, and they conversed upon the sub- 
ject, fixed upon the officers of the society and the place of 
their future meetings, and, until a baneful party spirit (which 
afterwards inundated the country) spread its unhappy effects 
over the minds of the members of this little society, it might 
truly be said to be productive of both pleasure and improve- 

43 



flDemoir of Dr. (Beorgc Xooan 



ment to those who composed it. Domestic manufactures, 
rightly so called from being indeed the production of the 
farmers' families, were a favourite object of their encourage- 
ment ; and this gave scope to the ingenuity and industry of 
their wives and introduced us in a social and pleasant man- 
ner to one another's acquaintance. I have not forgotten the 
agreeable interchange of visits, the beneficial emulation, and 
the harmless pride with which we exhibited specimens of 
our industry and good management to each other. The 
spinning-wheel was going in every house, and it was a high 
object of our ambition to see our husbands and their fami- 
lies clothed in our own manufactures (a good practice which 
my honoured husband never relinquished), and to produce 
at our social dinner parties the finest ale of our own brew- 
ing, the best home-made wines, cheese, and other articles 
which we thought ought to be made among ourselves rather 
than imported from abroad. But this useful and pleasant 
harmony was destined to be interrupted by that baneful 
spirit of party which soon afterwards nearly destroyed the 
comfort of all social society. 

It was about this time that his reputation as a skilful 
agriculturalist procured for him the grateful favour of a visit 
from the " Father of his Country," then in Philadelphia, 
officiating as President of the Federal convention. He 
came with his friend Daniel Jennifer, Esq., of Maryland, 
who had often before been with us, and passed a day at 
Stenton in the most social and friendly manner imaginable, 
delighted with the fine grass-land and beautiful experi- 
ments with gypsum, some of which plainly showed initials 
and words traced with it upon the sod of a far richer hue 

44 



flllemolr of Dr. (Bcorge Xogan 



and thickness than the surrounding grass, and other sub- 
jects of rural economy which Dr. Logan then had to show. 
His praise conferred distinction. Nor did he make me less 
happy by his pleasing attention to myself and his kind 
notice of my children, whom he caressed in the most en- 
dearing manner, placing my little boy on his knee, and 
taking my infant in his arms with commendations that made 
their way immediately to a mother's heart. 

I had always looked up to General Washington from the 
first time that I ever heard his auspicious name as a rare 
and perfect pattern of the dignity to which man might 
attain by living up to the laws of virtue and honour, and 
now that I beheld the colossal greatness at nearer view, I 
perceived it polished and adorned with all the amenity 
and gentleness which delights and endears in domestic 
society.* 

* When General Washington was passing down with his army in August, 
1777 (then suffering under almost every privation), to intercept the 
British armament who were on the coast, and about this time had landed 
at the head of Elk in Maryland, the General with his staff (about 
twenty officers and their servants) stopped at Stenton, then unoccupied 
by the family, where his guards and an aide-de-camp had arrived before 
him and where they all took up their quarters for that night. The Gen- 
eral arrived about noon, and at three they dined on a sheep they had 
bought of the tenant and killed and prepared immediately. One of the 
family who was accidentally there remarked that they were all exceed- 
ingly civil and very quiet, and that the General himself appeared ex- 
tremely grave and thoughtful, and was very silent. 

He remembered this day's gloom and uncertainty when he was after- 
wards here at the time he was President of the Federal convention, at a 
period when, with the blessing of heaven, he and his compatriots in 
arms had driven the cruel invader from our land, and had obtained for its 

45 



flnemoir of 2)r. (Seorge ILogan 



When Dr. Logan was selected by his fellow-citizens to 
represent them in the Legislature of the State he was 
exceedingly desirous to discharge his duty to them in the 
most honest and conscientious manner, and with this in- 
tention he devoted all his leisure to the reading of such 
authors as he thought had thrown most light upon political 
science. I remember among these a quarto volume of 
Cumberland, Bishop of Peterborough, and in French the 
works of Turgot, and, I think, Du Trone and Riviere. He 
read Neckar, but saw vanity and ambition strongly linked 
with his good qualities. 

In reading "The Wealth of Nations," which he justly ap- 
preciated without approving of all which the author has 
advanced, he told me of what Dr. Franklin had related to 
him of Adam Smith, with whom he was well acquainted. 
When writing that celebrated work, he was in the habit of 
taking the chapters as he composed them to his literary 
friends, and submitting the work to their inspection and 
criticism. He often availed himself of the benefit of their 
remarks, so as to rewrite chapters and reverse proposi- 

inhabitants liberty and independence. The temple of Janus shut and 
their swords and spears (except those sacred ones laid on the altar for 
"self-defence") converted into ploughshares and pruning-hooks (beauti- 
fully exemplified in this being an agricultural visit), for here he saw the 
rescued fields verdant with cultivation and the inhabitants resting under 
their own vines and fig-trees. Still this truly great and good man's mind 
was labouring to fix and make permanent the liberty and blessings which 
they had achieved by wise institutions and wholesome laws. With the 
purest halo of unsullied glory he lived and moved through the rest of his 
mortal career, and descended to the tomb a blessing and a consecrated ex- 
ample to the latest posterity. Could such a man have been calumniated ? 

46 



flUemoir of Dr. (Beorge Xogan 



tions. Dr. Franklin said he frequently brought it to him- 
self and Dr. Price. 

He always was in the habit of marking the passages 
which he thought best or most remarkable in the books 
which he read. And such were his principles that, although 
he was regarded as one of the most zealous of the Repub- 
lican party, they always led him to an honest advocacy and 
avowal of every act which tended to insure the public good, 
let it originate where it might : his own side of the house 
could never count upon his vote for a merely party pur- 
pose, and the numbers of their opponents were not un- 
frequently augmented by his name when the sanction of an 
advantage to the Commonwealth was clearly discernible in 
their measures. There are a few now living, as well as 
myself, who can remember with what earnestness he en- 
deavoured to discharge his duty to the public in every way. 
He was exceedingly desirous that the best system of public 
education should be adopted in the State, and took great 
pains at different sessions of the Legislature to secure this 
desirable object, and I never saw him more displeased and 
mortified when, from the wish to oppose what was assumed 
to be a party object in some and parsimony in others, he 
found his well-meant intentions frustrated. 

And in private life he was most benevolent and humane, 
seeking to do good wherever he had an opportunity, one 
instance of which, just occurring to my recollection, I will 
insert. 

He had taken into his service as a labourer a young man, 
who boarded in the family but was to lodge with some 
of his own relations, who, as well as himself, had recently 

47 



flnemoir of Dr. ©corge Xogan 



come into the neighbourhood. He was consequently a 
stranger to us, and without recommendations, but of a 
modest and prepossessing appearance. 

He worked very satisfactorily to my husband for a week, 
and then absented himself. Upon inquiry, it was found he 
was sick. Dr. Logan visited him, and found him ill of a 
fever of no common virulence. He questioned him, and, 
after a little reflection, asked him if he had ever had the 
small-pox. The young man answered in the negative. And, 
upon Dr. Logan saying that he believed he was sick of that 
disease, his relations, extremely alarmed, rushed out of the 
house, for they, also, were subject to its malignant attack. 

Dr. Logan saw there was but one course to take to give 
the poor young fellow a chance of recover)'. He immedi- 
ately sent for him to Stenton, where every attention and 
kindness were shown to him until he ultimately recovered, 
Dr. Logan remaining altogether at home to watch the prog- 
ress of the disease and to oppose its direful influence with 
his best skill and ability. It was altogether of a most dele- 
terious and confluent kind, but, by the blessing of God on 
his anxious and judicious attentions, the patient, after a 
severe struggle with the pest, recovered, and this "good 
Samaritan" had the satisfaction of delivering him conva- 
lescent to his father, a respectable inhabitant of one of the 
remote counties of the State, whose paternal roof he had 
left in a moment of inconsiderate vexation, and who, ap- 
prised of his son's danger by their relations, had come 
down, on his account, with a fine team of horses and every 
appearance of substantial circumstances. 

We did not suffer his departure until his restoration to 
48 



flDcmoir of Dr. (Beorgc Xogan 



health and the danger of his communicating the disease to 
others was removed. The old man seemed quite over- 
whelmed with a sense of the kindness and generosity with 
which his son had been treated.* 

* It was remarkable that the young man had never seen any person in 
the disease, nor ever had been, to his knowledge, where it was, so that he 
must have received it from some latent infection. The disease was not in 
our neighbourhood, and was thought to be extinct in Philadelphia, being 
the spring after the great yellow fever of 1 793, when inoculation had been 
omitted on account of the situation of the city. A great many medical 
gentlemen came to Stenton to obtain the variolous matter from this 
patient. Charles Norris was inoculated from it, and had the disease very 
favourably. 



49 



CHAPTER III 

2)r. Xogan's polttical IDtews— Me lEmbarfts on a flUtsston 
to Jfrance 

^T"^ Y husband's friendship with Thomas Jefferson be- 
* 1 f gan soon after the formation of the federal gov- 
ernment. When that gentleman was Secretary 
of State he used frequently to visit us in a social and inti- 
mate manner, sometimes with small parties whose company 
was agreeable to one another and sometimes alone. His 
conversation was very pleasing. 

He had resided at the Court of France, and upon his re- 
turn appeared in somewhat of its costume, and wore a suit 
of silk, ruffles, and an elegant topaz ring ; but he soon 
adopted a more republican garb, and was reproached with 
going to the other extreme as a bait for popularity. He 
abounded in anecdotes of great interest, and it appeared to 
me that he did not often suffer political prejudice or party 
spirit to warp his judgment and cause him to misrepresent 
men and things ; yet I saw that he wanted sincerity towards 
General Washington, whom I had always revered, and could 
not bear to hear mentioned in terms that implied the smallest 
diminution of his character or qualities, though aware that it 
is not among contemporaries that the most exalted persons 
can hope for this exemption. I could not bear that any suspi- 
cion whatever should be attached to the purity of his motives, 
and I well remember how I was shocked when I first discov- 
ered the disaffection which was manifesting itself against him. 

5° 



finemoir of Dr. (Beorge Xogan 



Jefferson told us of the surprise and displeasure which 
the President evinced upon the first abuse of his measures 
in Freneau's paper. He said that the cabinet was to 
have been convened, but that the President was too much 
agitated to meet them that evening; that he found him 
walking the room in a disturbed manner with the paper 
in his hand, which he presented to the Secretary with ex- 
pressions of surprise and indignation. 

Jefferson knew but too well who had caused it to appear. 
But even when party spirit was at its greatest height my 
husband preserved a high respect for the President, and I 
believe never either said or wrote anything derogatory to 
this truly great man. 

The breaking out of the French Revolution caused an 
excitement commensurate with its importance, and was 
doubtless the cause of that violent effervescence in the pub- 
lic mind which, operating on the prejudices and passions of 
men not yet subdued after our own contest for indepen- 
dence, produced a degree of party spirit which seemed at 
one period to threaten the safety of the Commonwealth. 
/^The arrival of Citizen Genet was the signal for every one 
to arrange himself according to the principles he advocated. 
That France had great claims on the sympathy of the peo- 
ple of the United States none will attempt to deny, nor as 
little that at the time we are speaking of there still existed 
at least a part of that generation who had, prior to our own 
Revolution, regarded France as a common enemy, and con- 
nected with her national character that of craft, cruelty, and 
perfidiousness, which had been formed in their minds from 
the conduct of the French themselves to these colonies 

SI 



nnemoir of Dr. (Beorae Xogan 



during former wars when we dreaded her plans of aggres- 
sion and aggrandizement, and regarded her people as only 
fit to be the willing slaves of despotism. Persons who enter- 
tained these sentiments seemed astonished and even angry 
that the people of France should wish to be partakers of 
the blessings of liberty and aim at establishing a free con- 
stitution.' 

) That the revolution of France grew out of that of 
America cannot be controverted. Their statesmen and 
philosophers were at first eager auditors of the speeches 
and appeals which had been given to the world during the 
contest, and when the light which these elicited threw its 
beams also upon foreign despotism their animosity towards 
England, which made them exult in the prospect of weaken- 
ing her by the separation of her colonies, blinded them at 
the same time to the latent energies of the infant Hercules 
and the certainty that its adolescence would strangle other 
serpents than those which sought its destruction in the 
cradle/ 

And yet methinks they might have augured from its first 
aspirations the strength of that power which in time would 
free the earth from all the monsters of misrule and op- 
pression. 

But I only mean to represent facts and to let speculations 
upon them alone. T)r. Logan was accused of enthusiasm 
in this cause, and I shall not, do not, attempt to say that he 
did not feel enthusiasm, for who has ever effected anything 
great or noble on the theatre of human affairs without some 
portion of this commanding passion ? 

Yet to show how prejudice perverts and misrepresents 
52 



nriemoir of Dr. (Scovqc Xogan 



men and things, I may just say that at the very time when 
the heads of the RepubHcan party were accused by their op- 
ponents of being ready to sacrifice the best interests of the 
community to France, I have myself been present at some 
of their confidential conversations * and can witness that 
although they were greatly mistaken in their opinion of the 
fitness of France to assume the cap and the mantle of 
liberty, yet they never wished to put it in her power to 
arbitrate upon the least right appertaining to their own 
country. On the contrary, I have heard Jefferson remon- 

* I have often had to regret that I did not at the time so fully appre- 
ciate the advantages which I have frequently enjoyed of listening to the 
conversation of very eminent and highly gifted men, and noticing the pro- 
found and instructive remarks which have often been made in my hearing, 
which, however, soon fade from the memory unless committed to writing. 
But I have not forgotten the force and expansion of Jefferson's arguments, 
delivered in a beautiful simplicity of language and a politeness of manner 
that disarmed offence, yet with a strength that defied refutation when rea- 
son was admitted to sit as judge. 

One of these conversations, I remember, ended with Genet's rising 
from his chair, where he had been seated under the venerable trees that 
surround our dwelling, and, baffled in argument, but retaining his good 
humour and gentlemanly demeanour, he exclaimed in his (then) imperfect 
English, — 

"Well, gentlemen, if my country were once happily settled in peace 
and the enjoyment of her rights as yours is now I would sit under my own 
vine and trees as you do ; but I would disclaim political disquisitions alto- 
gether. I would never suffer a gazette to enter my house. ' ' 

Genet was very pleasing in his address and manners, but the political 
offences which he committed against the government and pieople of these 
States cannot be palliated, nor ought I to omit that my husband saw the 
presumption of his conduct towards the government of this country in the 
same light that her best citizens beheld it. 

53 



nnemolr of Dr. (Seorge Xofian 



strata with Genet on the rashness and impropriety of his 
conduct, and insist upon the inviolability of those eternal 
principles of justice to other nations and respect for their 
rights, to which it had been well for France and the world 
had she adhered. 

A state of society followed destructive of the ties which 
in ordinary times bind one class of citizens to another, and 
nourishing every bad passion of our nature. Malignity 
and detraction, hatred, cruelty, and revenge showed much 
more of their hideous aspects than the quiet inhabitants of 
these States had been accustomed to contemplate. 

The dominant party scorned any longer to affect even the 
appearance of moderation towards their opponents. Not 
only the public acts of the Legislature were framed to keep 
them in awe, but in the common offices and affairs of life 
they were proscribed. Friendships were dissolved, trades- 
men dismissed, and custom withdrawn from the Republican 
party, the heads of which, as objects of the most injurious 
suspicion, were recommended to be closely watched, and 
committees of Federalists were appointed for that purpose. 

Many gentlemen went armed that they might be ready to 
resent any personal aggression. In the midst of this state of 
things my husband formed the project of his visit to France, 
with what then appeared to me the romantic idea of persuad- 
ing the rulers of that arrogant government to alter the tone 
of their conduct towards the United States. He thought 
they were not aware of our growing importance, and that 
the rashness and injustice of their measures towards us 
would be the means of uniting us with Great Britain and 
forwarding the views of the enemies of all republics. 

54 



nnemoir of 2)r. (Beorge Xoaan 



The recollection is still vivid of the slanders and obloquy 
that were heaped upon all those professing the political 
opinions which he held, and perhaps no individual except 
Jefferson himself (and he was thought less daring) was re- 
garded with such jealous suspicion. It seemed as if the 
crimes and horrors which the infuriated demons in France 
had committed under the abused name of Liberty were at- 
tributed to the assertors of her cause in every country. 

No one could more sincerely deplore these excesses than 
did Dr. Logan ; but he still hoped when those ferocious 
monsters were put down that their successors in the gov- 
ernment would act with wisdom and moderation ; and such 
an expectation, or even such a wish, approached, in the esti- 
mation of their enemies, to a participation of the guilt which 
they thought the whole nation had incurred by the excesses 
committed, never to be enough deplored. 

And though he was thus put under surveillance, and a 
committee appointed to watch and report his actions, yet 
they seemed, by the stir and surprise which his departure 
occasioned, to have had no idea of the step he was about to 
take, although part of his preparation was the selling of 
property for funds to undertake the voyage. 

He was fully aware of the misrepresentations to which 
his conduct would be liable, and, from the violence with 
which federalism at that period assailed its opponents, 
could hope for no quarter in case of a deviation from the 
most perfect prudence. He thought it best, therefore, by a 
solemn legal act to empower me to dispose of his estate in 
such a manner as to secure it from confiscation ; and going 
to the chief justice of Pennsylvania in order to acknowledge 

55 



flnemoir of H)r. (Bcorge Xooan 



the power of attorney, informed him of his views and in- 
tentions. "Thank God," exclaimed the venerable magis- 
trate, " that we possess one man who is capable and devoted 
enough to undertake this task ! You have my best wishes 
in the enterprise." And, filling out the wine, he drank to its 
success, furnishing Dr. Logan at the same time with the fol- 
lowing simple certificate of citizenship : 

" State of Pennsylvania. 

" To all whom it may concern, the underwritten Chief Justice of the 
Supreme Court of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania certifies, that 
George Logan, of the county of Philadelphia, farmer, is a native-born 
citizen of the United States of America, has for several years been a 
worthy Representative for the said county of Philadelphia in the Legis- 
lature of the State of Pennsylvania, and is well known to him. Given 
under the hand and seal of the said Chief Justice, at Philadelphia, the 
eleventh day of June, in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety- 
eight. 

"Tho M: Kean." 

And I likewise here subjoin a copy of that which was 
given to him by his friend Thomas Jefferson upon the same 
occasion : 

"I, Thomas Jefferson, do hereby certify that George Logan, the bearer 
hereof, who is about to visit Europe on matters of business, is a citizen of 
the commonwealth of Pennsylvania and United States of America, of 
one of the most antient and respectable families of the said common- 
wealth, of independent fortune, good morals, irreproachable conduct, 
and true civism ; and as such he is recommended to the attention of all 
those who, from principles of humanity, or a desire to attach to their 
country the respect of others, could interest themselves in seeing the pro- 
tection and hospitality of their laws extended to a worthy and unoffend- 
ing stranger placed under their safeguard. Given under my hand and 
seal, at Philadelphia, this 4th day of June, 1798. 

"Th: Jefferson." 
56 



nnemoir of Dr. (Beorge Xogan 



I never could tell how it came to be publicly known that 
Dr. Logan had obtained these credentials (for from our- 
selves it assuredly never was), yet it was so, and the gen- 
tlemen who had given them became objects of the most 
furious obloquy. Among other things, it was said in the 
Federal prints that it was believed to be " the first instance 
where the chief judge of any place had furnished creden- 
tials to a traitor." 

At length, after having disposed of two parcels of real 
estate very cheaply in order to obtain funds to undertake 
the voyage, and previous to his departure to pay off all 
his debts, on the 12th of June, 1798, he left me and his 
children, and his pleasant home at Stenton, and embarked 
on board the " Iris," a neutral vessel bound for Hamburg. 
He took with him but two letters from Citizen Le Tomb, 
the French consul, one addressed to Merlin, at that time 
chief of the Directory of the French Republic, and the 
other to the celebrated Talleyrand Perigord, a character 
who has seemed to be possessed of a political life-boat with 
which he has in safety ridden on the tremendous surges of 
the Revolution, and whom Dr. Logan did not know during 
his retreat in this country.* 

* Talleyrand followed the example of one of the courtiers of Henry 
VIII. of England, who, upon being questioned how he had kept his 
place through so many changes, replied, " By imitating the willow, not 
the oak." He had bent to circumstances, and presented the first address 
from Paris to the restored Bourbons. 

When he was in this country, some years ago, he spent a week at the 
seat of a gentleman from whose family I had the account ; he spent much 
of his time in his own chamber, and apologized to the family for his 
5 57 



flilemoir of Dr. 6eoroe logan 



Were it proper here to speak of myself, I could say a 
great deal, with the strictest truth, of the infinite anxiety of 
mind which I underwent at this period. I knew the full ex- 
tent of the enmity which his opposition to the views of gov- 
ernment had excited, and though buoyed above certain fears 
by a knowlege of the purity of his motives and his inflexible 
patriotism, yet I could scarcely have dared to hope that his 
conduct would have been altogether so guarded that those 
who were on the watch for his failure could find nothing to 
take hold of. 

I would not wish to revive in my own breast, or in those 
who read my narrative, any sparks of that inflammable and 
deleterious party spirit that mounted triumphant over every 
other consideration, in the times of which I now treat, but 
I think, notwithstanding all the efficient causes which ex- 
isted, great pains had been taken somewhere to exalt it to 
the height which it had then gained, among which the in- 
trigues and insinuations of that arch-intriguer Liston (the 
British minister) were none of the least. He was a master 
in such business, none sent from that court to this country 
having ever equalled him in those qualities. 

Although, as I have said, I knew the purity of my hus- 
band's principles, and could appreciate the motives upon 
which he acted, yet when the time drew near that he was to 
leave me, I could not help being appalled with a sense of 
the difficulties which he would have to surmount, and the 

frequent absences by observing that this time was dedicated to his private 
devotion. 

There is no doubt that his fame will go down to posterity in its true 
colours. 



flFlcmoir of Dr. (Beoroc Xogan 



clamour which would be raised upon his departure ; so that, 
when he left me indeed, I was as completely miserable as I 
could be whilst innocent myself and united to a man whose 
honour I knew to be without a stain. But I found it neces- 
sary, by a strong effort, to control my feelings. As soon 
as his committee of surveillance missed their charge there 
was a prodigious stir in the city ; * they looked upon each 

* I was credibly informed by a friendly Federalist that it was contem- 
plated by government to search our house for treasonable papers, and ad- 
vised, if I knew of anything that would implicate my husband, to destroy 
it. I thanked the gentleman for his kindness, but assured him, in case of 
a search, they would only have to regret that they had insulted a man of 
honour in his absence. I had nothing to secrete. 

One of the consignees of the "Iris" in Philadelphia, Isaac Hazlehurst, 
Esq., said that if he had known of Dr. Logan's intention of going in that 
vessel he would have prevented it, so great was the excitement of the times. 

Some idea may be formed of the temper of the times, when I add, that 
the late Dr. Rush (a worthy man, but often erroneous in his conclusions) 
suffered himself to be one of this committee, as he afterwards acknowledged 
to Dr. Logan himself with some circumstances that I suppress because they 
might look as if I remembered what is best forgotten, and also by the fol- 
lowing article, copied out of Brown's Philadelphia Gazette of the date of 
this time : 

" COMMUNICATION. 

"We are assured from the best authority, that Doctor Logan (a noted 
and violent democrat) departed from this city on Wednesday or Thursday 
last, in the ship 'Iris,' for Hamburgh, on his route to Paris. There can- 
not be the least question but the Doctor, from his inordinate love of French 
liberty, and hatred to the sacred constitution of the United States, has gone 
to the French directory, fraught with intelligence of the most dangerous 
tendency to this country. The secrecy of his intention (for his very linen 
was made up out of his own house) and his visit by daybreak on the day 
of his departure to Le Tomb, the late French consul, announce that, his 

59 



flUemoir of 2)r. (Beoroc %OQnn 



other with blank faces, as having suffered an adroit enemy 
to escape their vigilance. 

I shall not make any comment on this, nor the subsequent 
attacks that were made upon my husband's character, but 
trust that his own statement of the motives which induced 
him to undertake this novel and perilous business, as ex- 
pressed in an exposition of his conduct soon after his return, 
will be more satisfactory than any defence which it would be 
in my power to offer, and shall be given in its proper place. 

abandonment of wife, children, relatives and country, is a species of con- 
spiracy, most fatal to freedom, and abhorrent to humanity. For can any 
sensible man hesitate to suspect that his infernal design can be anything 
less, than the introduction of a French army, to Uac/i us the genuine value 
of true 6^ essential liberty by re-organizing our government, through the 
brutal operation of the bayonet and guillotine. Let every American now 
gird on his sword. The times are not only critical, but the secret of the 
Junto is cut. Their demagogue is gone to the directory, for purposes 
destructive of your lives, property, liberty and holy religion." 



60 



CHAPTER IV 
TLbc IResults ot tbe flUission to ifrance 

«^^*i'HE "Iris" had a safe passage, but she was a dull 
^^^^J^ sailer, and the captain (a phlegmatic Dutchman) 
very cautious of availing himself of a favourable 
breeze, if it happened to blow in the night. They left Phila- 
delphia on the 13th of June and arrived at Hamburg on the 
23d of July. Nothing very' remarkable occurred during the 
passage until they reached the English Channel ; they did 
not meet an armed vessel of any kind, and the channel itself 
they found full of Danes, Swedes, and other neutrals, profit- 
ing by their neutrality and peaceably navigating the seas, 
which made Dr. Logan exceedingly regret the mistaken 
policy of our own government in suffering a sequestration 
of her national rights by Great Britain, thereby rendering 
the navigation of her vessels insecure. 

Dr. Logan went on shore and dined at Dover ; he re- 
marked that the coast seemed to be lined with soldiers, and 
above three thousand were garrisoned in the castle. Had 
Mr. Pitt known the character of his guest, and what he was 
about to effect, it is not to be doubted but that he would 
have violated the laws of hospitality in his person, as he had 
before done those of the neutrality of his country. 

Immediately upon his arrival in Hamburg, Dr. Logan 
waited on the French charge d'affaires to request a pass- 
port to go to Paris, when he was informed that he had 
received the most pointed instructions from their govern- 

61 



flllemoir of Wv, (Beoroe Xogan 



ment not to permit any citizen of the United States to 
enter the French territory. It was in vain that he urged 
the necessity of his errand, and that he had letters to Mer- 
lin and Talleyrand from the French consul in Philadelphia, 
interesting not only to America, but to France herself. 

They said, in reply, that the utmost that they could do 
in this case was to forward his letters to the Directory of 
Foreign Relations, and that they did not doubt a favourable 
result. In the mean time, being informed that General 
de Lafayette was in Hamburg, Dr. Logan visited him, and 
gave him a true account of the situation of the United 
States, the rage of party spirit, and the danger to be 
apprehended to republican principles if a rupture with 
France as a republic, and a coalition with England, as 
leagued against her, should take place. 

He also candidly told the general the object of his pres- 
ent visit to Europe, which was to try if he could influence 
the government of France to defeat the machinations of 
their enemies by adopting a just and liberal policy towards 
the United States. To this Lafayette replied that he was 
most sincerely attached to the United States, that he had for 
some time viewed with great anxiety the misunderstanding 
which had taken place between the two countries, and that 
he considered the crisis as so pressing that he would use 
all his influence to procure a passport which would enable 
Dr. Logan immediately to pursue his journey to Paris.* 

* The Marquis de Lafayette lived at that time a few miles from Ham- 
burg. Dr. Logan visited him at his residence, and was delighted with 
the kindness of his domestic character and that of his whole family. The 
health of Madame de Lafayette had suffered much from her voluntary 
confinement with her excellent husband at Olmiitz, but she appeared to 

62 



fIDcmoir of Dr. (Beorae Xogan 



The Marquis was as good as his word, and succeeded 
in convincing the Secretary of the French Legation that 
he would be justified by the government in violating its 
general instructions by the importance of the occasion. 
The necessary passports were accordingly made out, and 
Dr. Logan left Hamburg on the 28th of July, and arrived 
in Paris (not without considerable fatigue) on the 7th of 
August, 1798. 

Upon his arrival, he found that Elbridge Gerry, Esq., the 
last of our commissioners, had left that city, and probably 
was on his voyage to the United States. It will be recol- 
lected that he had prolonged his stay beyond that of his 
colleagues, and that they had been separately as well as 
jointly vested with the power of making a treaty ; to exer- 
cise which power he had been urged by the French govern- 
ment itself, as well as by all his own countrymen in Paris, 
who represented him as having been such a prey to anxiety 
of mind from feelings of his own responsibility and the 
necessity of doing something to avert so great an evil as 
war, and the fear of losing his popularity at home by dis- 
senting from the other ministers and effecting what they had 
failed to do, so that his health had suffered severely ; and 
they thought if he had prolonged his stay, with such inde- 
cision of mind, that he would have found a tomb in France. 

be a most amiable, affectionate woman, and her children very pleasing 
characters. 

It has often been a satisfaction to me to reflect that this good man and 
ardent lover of liberty, amidst all the vicissitudes of his eventful life and 
the sufferings so unjustifiably inflicted upon him by the Emperor of 
Austria, had yet the consolation and enjoyment of domestic felicity. 

63 



flDemotr of Dr. (Beoroe Xooan 



The Consul-General of the United States still further 
informed Dr. Logan that an embargo had been recently 
laid upon all our shipping in French ports, and that many 
hundreds of our seamen were confined as prisoners ; that all 
negotiation was at an end, and that no opening at present 
was to be discerned which would admit of even a distant 
prospect of a better scene of things. Barlow and all the 
Americans at Paris joined in making the like statement. 

Notwithstanding these discouragements, Dr. Logan now 
waited on Talleyrand, the Minister of the Exterior, with the 
letter which Le Tomb had given him, and which he knew 
to be friendly to a restoration of peace between the two 
countries. Citizen Talleyrand (as he was then called) re- 
ceived him with great politeness, but he soon found this 
was all the benefaction which he meant to bestow, and that 
the object of his mission, upon which he was now more 
than ever intent, would not be at all advanced by repeated 
communications with him. 

He was also aware that Adet, who had been minister to 
the United States, and another French gentleman of higher 
position, were sent by Talleyrand to interrogate him in 
order to know his views and obtain all the information 
which they could draw from such conferences. 

They were also very anxious to get his letter for Merlin 
into their hands, which they repeatedly offered to present, 
but he declined giving it up ; and, upon Adet's disap- 
pointing him from time to time of the promised intro- 
duction to Merlin, which he saw Talleyrand did not wish 
should take place, he resolved to find another usher to the 
presence of the chief Director, and accordingly he intro- 

64 



fIDcmotr of Dr. (BeorQC ILooan 



duced himself to M. Schimmelpenninck, the Batavian min- 
ister resident at Paris, who received him with a great deal 
of friendly courtesy ; said he had heard of his arrival in 
Europe, and wished much to see him ; that his own govern- 
ment was exceedingly desirous that amity between France 
and the United States should be fully restored, and (I 
think) he said he was empowered to offer their mediation 
for that purpose. He asked Dr. Logan to dine with him 
on that day, and appointed the next for his introduction to 
Merlin, who, it will be recollected, was at that time First Di- 
rector of the French Republic, and resided in one of the 
regal palaces in great state, but not without a mixture of 
what was in their idea republican simplicity. Merlin re- 
ceived them very well. Dr. Logan presented him with Le 
Tomb's letter, which he read, and said he should be glad to 
have some conversation with him, when Schimmelpenninck 
withdrew and left them together. At the close of their con- 
ference he invited Dr. Logan to dine with him with a select 
company the next day.* 

It may well be imagined that the patriot of whom I write 
saw with great satisfaction the points which he had gained 
whilst he laboured to convince Merlin, and through him the 
government of France, that all the enmity they showed 

* Among the foreigners of distinction whom Dr. Logan saw at Paris 
was the celebrated Kosciusko, whom he had known in America. This 
brave man received him with the most distinguished kindness, warmly- 
appreciated his motives, and approved of his design, which he promised 
to support with all his interest, but cautioned him at the same time not to 
repose any confidence in the promises of the French government of what 
they would do in future unless they would immediately give a pledge of 
their sincerity by a removal of the embargo. 

6S 



flDemoir of Dr. (Beorge Xoaan 



towards the United States was exactly furthering the de- 
signs of their grand enemy, the prime minister of England, 
who on his part had co-workers with him in the United 
States endeavouring to alienate the minds of the people en- 
tirely from France and widening the breach between the 
two republics in such a manner that war, the great object 
that Mr. Pitt wished to promote, appeared to be inevitable 
and would finally enlist us on the British side. 

Among the guests at dinner the next day at the " palace 
of the director" was Schimmelpenninck, an envoy lately ar- 
rived from the cisalpine republic, some of the heads of 
departments, etc., who, with the family of Merlin, made 
about twenty persons who sat down to table. When the 
dessert was removed a few toasts were drunk previous to 
the introduction of coffee, which in France soon follows. 
" The Republic of France," that " of Holland," the new-made 
" Cisalpine Republic," were all given ; but the United States 
of America were not mentioned. Dr. Logan noticed the 
omission, and, addressing himself to Merlin, requested that 
he too might give a toast, which should be " The United 
States of America, and a speedy restoration of amity be- 
tween them and France." 

"Sir," said Merlin in reply, "I wished myself to give that 
toast, and will now do it in your words, — The Republic of 
the United States of America, and a speedy restoration of 
amity between them and France." 

Dr. Logan, as might be expected, was much gratified. 
The company looked upon each other with surprise and 
pleasure, and, joining their glasses, drank the toast with the 
utmost hilarity and enthusiasm, 

66 



fiDcmoir of Dr. (Beorge Xogan 



1^ After this he had frequent conferences with the Directors, 
They desired him to state explicitly what he thought would 
be considered by the government and people of the United 
States as conduct on the part of France sufficiently indica- 
tive of a desire to renew the former relations of friendly 
intercourse between the two countries, and he told them 
that it must consist of the fullest assurances on their part 
that a minister from the United States would be received in 
France as one from the most favoured people would be, and, 
as a proof of the sincerity of this declaration, they must di- 
rectly issue an ai'ret which should raise the embargo on our 
vessels in the ports of France and liberate our seamen con- 
fined in their prisons, ^ 

"Sir," said the Director to him, in reply, "that is 
more than we would do for the most favoured nation in 
Europe." 

" But, nevertheless," returned Dr. Logan, " it is what you 
must do, if you wish to conciliate my country." 

Merlin afterwards said that he would give the subject 
some further consideration ; yet he urged Dr. Logan to de- 
part for the United States with assurances of their favour- 
able disposition towards a negotiation and intended good 
reception of a minister from them. 

But this he declared to be useless unless they would give 
the proof required. The consul, Barlow, and other Ameri- 
cans at Paris told him that they expected all this would end 
as other things of a like nature had done before, in decla- 
mation. Yet in a short time the secretary of the Director 
waited upon Dr. Logan with a copy of the desired arret, 
which had been sent to the proper authorities, and which 

67 



flDemolr of Dr. (Beorfie TLogan 



entirely changed the aspect of affairs as regarded our coun- 
trymen in France. 

According to the express desire of Dr. Logan, the de- 
spatches designed for government were committed to the 
care of another gentleman, who sailed in the first vessel that 
could be got ready for sea. Dr. Logan himself took his 
passage in the " Perseverance," Captain Gideon Gardner, 
of Nantucket, who was the last that cleared the port of 
Bordeaux. On his journey from Paris to that city he had 
been made uneasy by witnessing the clamours of French- 
men who had just returned from the United States, where 
they had been imprisoned and harshly treated.* 

The stages which they met on their way to Bordeaux 
were filled with these men going to Paris, and he feared 
that their clamours would reach the ears of the Directory, 
and perhaps might alter the measures of a government to 
whom popularity was so essential as to that of France at 
the time of which we now write.f 

* Some of these prisoners were treated in the United States with a de- 
gree of barbarity which we should be now ashamed of, and which would 
not have happened in times of less extraordinary excitement. The gov- 
ernment, or at least its officers, were justly blamable for the severity. 
Those at Newcastle, it was said, would have suffered severely but for the 
attention of the inhabitants. 

Many were sent home to France in a cartel this year (I believe the 
same whose return to their native country Dr. Logan had witnessed), the 
vessel being small, not well supplied with stores, and crowded with pas- 
sengers, so that numbers died on the passage. I give the popular reports 
at the time, for I have no means of ascertaining the truth, yet hope, for 
the honour of our country, the reports were exaggerated. 

f The official documents explaining Dr. Logan's position in France 
will be found in the Appendix. 

68 



flDemoir of Dr. (Beorgc Xooan 



The captains of the hberated vessels and all the other 
American citizens at Bordeaux were so sensible of the value 
of Dr. Logan's services on this occasion that the former 
presented to him the following address : 

" Bordeaux, September 8th, 1798. 
" To Doctor George Logan : 

" Fellow Citizen, — At an awful crisis when two great sister Republics 
appeared to be on the eve of war you have stepped forward the friend of 
both countries like a true patriot the friend of humanity to prevent if pos- 
sible that worst of all calamities, and at your own private expense to 
undertake the arduous task of reconciling those who once were friends. 
We are fully convinced that your exertions and manly remonstrances have 
already raised the embargo from all the American vessels, and set at lib- 
erty all their prisoners, and will probably have a considerable influence in 
restoring captured vessels and property to their legal owners. We sin- 
cerely hope that peace and a happy reconciliation may crown your labors 
for the public good. Your disinterested conduct merits the approbation 
and friendship of all yoiu: fellow citizens. We earnestly pray that you 
may be blessed with a short and pleasant passage to your native country, 
and be received with open arms by every true friend to the peace hap- 
piness and independence of America and meet the just reward of yoiu: 
honest endeavours and unremitting exertions for their welfare. And that 
the United States of America may be preserved a great powerful and free 
Republic the sure and safe asylum for the oppressed people of all nations 
is our sincere desire and ardent prayer. 

James Wolfe. Richard Stevens. T. Walker. 

Priam Pease. Gideon Gardner. 

George Dunham. White Matlack. Sam. Barnes. 

Tho. Randall. Benjamin Rice. Isaac Whipple. 

Oliver Smith. James Montgomery. 

Thomas Norton. Marsh Clark. 

To this address he returned a short and modest answer, 
arrogating no merit to himself, but asserting the principle 

69 



fIDemoir of Dr. (Seorge Xooan 



that, as a citizen of a free republic, it was his duty, and he 
considered it as his right, to benefit his country in every way 
in his power. 

Answer to the Address of the American Merchants 
AND Captains at Bordeaux. 

" September 9th, 1 798. 

" Fellow Citizens, — The favourable point of view in which you are 

pleased to consider my conduct since my arrival in France I assure you is 

highly acceptable. As a citizen of a free independent Republic it is my 

right and I have ever considered it as my duty to promote the good of 

my country under all circumstances and in every situation in which my 

exertions could be useful. Under this impression I have made some 

efforts to promote the late favourable measures of the Government of 

France towards our country. But permit me to assure you that these 

measures which must afford the most sincere pleasure to every friend to 

the U. S. are in justice more to be attributed to the magnanimity & 

sound policy of this enlightened Nation than to the influence of any 

private individual. It is devoutly to be wished that the Government of 

the U. S. may be fully sensible of ye importance of ye present moment 

to restore peace harmony & prosperity to our Country. Accept my 

sincere & grateful thanks for your kind wishes for my safe return to my 

Country and future happiness. 

" Geo. Logan." 

In answer to the memorial which Citizen Schimmelpen- 
ninck presented to the Directory of France, offering the 
mediation of the Batavian Republic between the French and 
American Republics, he was informed by the Minister of 
the Exterior, Talleyrand, that the government of France re- 
ceived the offer with satisfaction, at the same time adding 
that the Directory were about to give such testimonies of 
their conciliatory disposition towards the United States that 
they expected would produce the like good disposition on 

70 



fIDcmotr of Dr. (Bcorge Xogan 



the part of the government of the United States. Should 
this not be the case they would be obliged to Holland for 
her friendly offer and would accept of it. 

The following letter was written to his wife from Ham- 
burg, giving a sketch of his plans and hopes : 

" Hamburg July 26th 1798 
" My Best Friend, — I wrote a few lines to you two days since merely 
to give you an account of my safe arrival at this place. I waited on the 
French minister in order to procure a passport to Paris his secretary in- 
formed me that they had received positive orders from the Government 
of France not to give a passport to any American to go into the French 
territory, this difficulty was obviated by the kind assistance of our good 
friend Citizen Lafayette who is now in this neighbourhood with his ami- 
able family. I am to spend this day with him. He is very anxious that 
harmony may be preserved between America and France. I shall write 
to you fully after this interview. Every effort will be made by the real 
friends of both Countries in Europe to procure a spirit of accommodation 
on the part of France ; inform our friends Dickinson, Jefferson and other 
real patriots of this circumstance, and that they should use every means in 
their power to promote the same friendly disposition on the part of the 
United States. I am informed that General Koskiuszko is arrived in Paris 
he will co-operate with us in this valuable measure. I do not think it will 
be in my power to return to America this winter if not you may expect to 
see me in the month of April next. Pray take care of your own health 
and I charge you to make use of the power I placed in your hands to ren- 
der your situation during my absence as comfortable as possible. Re- 
member me affectionately to our dear children. Tell them that I am 
every day more and more convinced of the great advantages to be gained 
by a cultivated mind, they must therefore as they value their own hap- 
piness give every attention to their improvements. I expect A ... to 
assist you in every thing. 

' ' I am yours 

"Geo. Logan." 



71 



CHAPTER V 
2)omestfc Cares an6 Hniietg 

I MUST now crave permission to relate what was 
my own situation, and what were the events which 
occurred to me during the perilous time of my 
husband's absence. His departure and the clamours which 
were immediately raised upon it filled the minds of our par- 
ticular friends with dismay. My own honoured and most 
respectable mother left her home at Chester and came to 
me in a state of the utmost anxiety, but I soon succeeded 
in calming her apprehensions by convincing her of my hus- 
band's perfect innocence of the nefarious intentions with 
which his enemies had charged him, yet was I frequently 
myself a prey to the most harrowing inquietude. 
\, I saw those enemies dominant, and knew from the spirit 
of the times that the least departure from the most rigid 
prudence would be stigmatized as treason, to the con- 
struction of which the Alien and Sedition Act, then just 
passed, would afford very effectual aid, for it appeared to 
me as if rendering the most common offices of humanity 
to a Frenchman in distress would be liable, under this 
severe law, to be considered as aiding the enemies of the 
republicrl 

I wanted to apprise my husband of the passage of this 
law, and of my apprehensions concerning it, but knew not 
in what manner to convey a letter in safety to his hands 
until a friendly Englishman suggested to me the mode of 
inclosing my letter in one directed to Thomas Mullett, Esq., 

72 



flDemoir of Dr. (Beorae Xoaan 



a merchant of London, who, he assured me, would acquit 
himself of the trust to my satisfaction. I accordingly wrote 
and the answer which I received from this gentleman (who 
was entirely unknown to me) was as follows : 

(^Thomas Mtcllett to Mrs. Logan.) 

" London loth of September 1798. 

"Madam, — Your Letter of the 29th of June, I received on the 14th of 
August. On that day I forwarded the letter you inclosed to my corre- 
spondent at Hambro'. On the 24th he informed me that the Gentleman 
had safely arrived, but had left Hambro' about 14 days, the person to 
whom the Ship was consigned had no knowledge of him, but it was un- 
derstood, Paris was his destination. He had been with M. De La Fay- 
ette, and from that Gentleman my correspondent expected to obtain a 
proper direction. 

" If not, he would forward it to his ffriend there to make the necessary 
enquiry, which I presume could not fail of success. I have thus Madam, 
endeavoured to accomplish your wish, and now give you the earliest proof 
in my power that your confidence has not been misplaced. 

"Not recollecting that I ever had the pleasure of an introduction to 
yourself or any of your respectable family when I was in America, I may 
possibly remain ignorant of the source from whence you derived a testi- 
mony of character honourable to me and inducing so much of your confi- 
dence. Be this as it may, you will have the goodness to inform the par- 
ties, that their recommendation of character and cases like yours, and in 
times like the present, as far as it relates to my own powers, will not in- 
volve them in much disappointment. 

" The motives to which you appealed, have ever had their influence on 
my mind. If I have rendered you a service it will afford me a pleasure to 
know it. In attempting it I have discharged one of the duties of hu- 
manity ; a consciousness of which as you justly observe, is always reward. 
Sentiments like those you have expressed cannot fail of exciting the esteem 
of Madam, 

" your friend and servant 

" Thos Mullett. 

^ 73 



nnemoir of 2)r. (Beorge Xooan 



"p.s. 13th September. 

" I have just received another letter for the same Gentleman, enclosed 
in a few lines without signature dated 19th of July and sent by the two 
Friends, but which does not appear to be your hand writing. 

" This Letter I have sent thro' the same channel as the former, and 
entertain no doubt of its being properly attended to. 

"The Embargo on American Vessels in France is taken off by an 
arret of the Directory and every pacific disposition is discovered by the 
Government towards America. If a Friend of yours has been instrumental 
in this he deserves well of his country. 

"T. M. 

"Mrs. D. Logan, Stenton, near Philadelphia" 

At this period I experienced what it was to lay under the 
ban of poHtical excommunication myself; for it was said 
that those would be marked who should be seen to enter 
our gates. Yet let me do justice to those of our Federal 
friends who still kindly visited and cared for me ; among 
whom the late worthy Frederick Augustus Smyth, Esq., 
and his excellent lady, and the benevolent John Vaughan, 
who still lives — and may he long do so ! for his life is a 
benefit and blessing to society. 

These, and some others, will always be remembered by 
me with gratitude. Nor ought I to omit the kindnesses re- 
ceived from my Republican friends and neighbours, who 
strove all in their power to cheer and console me, and of 
whom Dr. Samuel Betton, Sr., and his truly amiable and 
lovely wife deserved my grateful acknowledgments for their 
many affectionate attentions. My husband's family, his 
worthy brother-in-law, Thomas Fisher, my own good mother 
and brothers, and, indeed, all our friends, including our 
much respected cousin J. Dickinson at Wilmington, all 

74 



> 



fIDemotr of 2)r. (Beorge Xogan 



evinced the most lively interest in my welfare, sincerely 
sympathizing with me in my anxieties, and rejoicing with 
me in the most happy result which shortly followed. 

Soon after the departure of my husband I received a visit 
from Thomas Jefferson, then Vice-President of the United 
States, who told me that he had been greatly concerned for 
me on account of the obloquy and abuse which had been so 
freely bestowed on Dr. Logan's character, and advised me 
to evince my thorough consciousness of his innocence and 
honour by showing myself in Philadelphia as one not afraid 
nor ashamed to meet the public eye. He said he could not 
have believed it possible that the utmost bitterness of party 
spirit could have invented, or have given credit to, such 
unfounded calumnies. That he was himself dogged and 
watched in the most extraordinary manner ; and he apolo- 
gized for the lateness of his visit (for we were at tea when 
he arrived) by saying that, in order to elude the curiosity of 
his spies, he had not taken the direct road, but had come by 
a circuitous route by the Falls of Schuylkill, along one of 
the lanes to Germantown, and passing by the house and 
gate, had come in by the entrance on the York Road (an 
excess of caution which seemed to me to be quite unavail- 
ing, for his Federal inspectors did not impute an iota less of 
evil designs to him, for all his care to avoid suspicion).'^' He 

* He also mentioned that it had been his intention to have set out for 
Virginia the next week, but that he had prolonged his stay in order to see 
what Mr. Harper could make out with his conspiracy. He likewise told 
me that Mr. Marshall, the envoy, had said in his hearing that when he 
arrived in New York he was astonished to see the preparations for war. 
The people of France, he believed, had no idea of entering into one with 
these States. 

75 



flncmoir of Dr. (Beorge Xogan 



spoke of the temper of the times and of the late acts of the 
Legislature with a sort of despair, but said he thought even 
the shadow of our liberties must be gone if they attempted 
anything that would injure me. This was the only time I 
saw him during my husband's absence. 

In a few days I put in [practice] the advice which Jefferson 
gave me, and went to the city, where some even told me 
they were surprised to see me ! And many that did not 
notice it in this rude manner to myself, expressed to others 
their astonishment that I could look thus gay and cheerful 
in the circumstances in which I was placed. 

The autumn of this year was marked by one of the most 
desolating pestilences with which we were ever visited.* 
It did not confine its ravages to the city, as those before it 
had mostly done, but spread itself over many of the neigh- 
bouring towns and villages. The little borough of Chester, 
where my mother resided, was awfully swept of its inhabi- 
tants by it. She had returned home, but left it again and 
came to me as to a place of greater safety, together with 
my elder brother and a faithful attendant who had lived 
with her for many years. 

* The summer had been unusually warm. I find by memorandums 
written at the time that in the month of August the thermometer was 
frequently at 90°, and sometimes above. It was on the 6th of that 
month that I first heard of the fever being in Philadelphia, brought, it 
was said, in Captain Yard's sloop, from Jeremie. It soon spread with 
frightful rapidity, and carried off many of the citizens. The villages in 
the neighbourhood were filled with people fleeing from the disease ; but 
safety was not, as heretofore, the certain result of leaving the city, for 
numbers died in its neighbourhood. In Germantown many were carried 
off. It became a period of very general distress and anxiety. 

76 



flUemoir of 2)r. (3eorfle Xooan 



The fever at Chester was said at the time to have been 
received there from the passage of a hearse through the 
town, which was reconveying to the city for interment in 
consecrated ground the corpse of one who had fled from 
its ravages with the fatal contagion in her veins. In cross- 
ing the bridge one of the inhabitants was unfortunately so 
near as to be much affected with the noisome effluvia ; he 
sickened and died in a few days, and the disease rapidly 
spread from him. Its effects in Chester were truly de- 
plorable. 

My brother was taken ill directly after his arrival with 
my mother at Stenton, and his physicians pronounced his 
disorder to be the yellow fever. He was extremely ill for 
some time, and our alarm and anxiety were very great ; 
but, by the kindness of Providence, we were spared the 
trial of losing him at this distressing period. 



77 



CHAPTER VI 
Guests at Stenton— 2)r. Xogan's iReturn 

mY family was at this time augmented by the com- 
pany of our uncle James Logan, Esq., of Phila- 
delphia, his nephew, and servants, so that, with 
my guests and our own domestics, I had above twenty 
persons under our roof daily to provide for ; but this was 
better for me than to be left in solitude. 

At length the kindly frosts of autumn dissipated the seeds 
of contagion and purified our cities from disease. My be- 
loved guests left me, but not before public rumour and the 
letters which I had received — short, indeed, but comprehen- 
sive — led me to hope the return of my husband, and ban- 
ished all care but for his safety and for what might be his 
reception in his own country. 

Whilst I was thus situated I went one afternoon to visit 
at Roxborough, the seat of our worthy friend, the ex-Chief 
Justice Smyth. He was an Englishman and a Tory who 
had held an office under the Crown during the colonial 
government, but he was a man of great honour, candour, 
and good sense, and, though they differed in politics, had a 
sincere friendship for my husband. Here I found, as was 
usual, a large circle of company, among whom was George 
Clymer, Thomas Fitzsimmons, and several other Federal 
gentlemen. 

I observed they talked together with much earnestness, 
and at length one of them (Fitzsimmons) came to me and 

78 



nnemoir of Dr. (Beorge Xogan 



inquired if he might ask me had I received letters from Dr. 
Logan, and, if so, what was the state of things in France ? 
I told him briefly and modestly what I had heard, — "that 
the embargo was raised, our seamen liberated and return- 
ing in our vessels, and a disposition for peace manifested 
on the part of France." (But I imputed nothing to the 
exertions of my husband.) He replied that it was extraor- 
dinary news, indeed, and that he sincerely congratulated 
me upon it ; and our kind neighbour, the judge, exultingly 
exclaimed, — 

"You know, gentlemen, I have always said that Dr. 
Logan would never disgrace himself nor injure his coun- 
try!" 

I had been advised by some of my Republican friends to 
publish an extract from one of the letters which I had re- 
ceived,* and which I here subjoin with the very illiberal 
comment which the editor annexed to its publication, writ- 
ten in the spirit of that persecuting period : 

Extract of a Letter from Doctor Logan, dated Bor- 
deaux, September 9, 1 798, to his Wife. 

" I have the pleasure to inform you that I embark this day on board 
the ship Perseverance for Philadelphia, and shall bring with me dis- 
patches for our government, calculated to restore that harmony, the loss 
of which has been so sensibly felt by both countries. All American ves- 
sels in the harbours of France have been released, all American prisoners 
have been set at liberty ; and the most positive assurances have been made 
that France is ready to enter on a treaty for the amicable accommodation 

*This letter was brought to New York in one of the first vessels that 
arrived from France, and was sent to me immediately, inclosed in one from 
Governor Clinton. 

79 



nnemoir of Dr. (Beorge Xogan 



of all matters in dispute. American citizens are treated with respect in 

every part of France, and the appearance of a reconciliation between the 

two republics affords the highest satisfaction to all classes of citizens in 

this country, ect., ect. 

"George Logan." 

"ENVOY LOGAN.* 
"The letter from the above gentleman affords the best comment on the 
character of XhosQ patriots , who are willing to sacrifice the liberty of their 
country, to the insidious designs of an unprincipled foreign foe, and to 
barter, in the very face of their countrymen, the honour of their govern- 
ment the security of their most invaluable rights, for the delusive hopes of 
French justice. As we cannot permit ourselves to doubt its authenticity, 
the citizen envoy, with his whole train of French diplomatic paraphernalia, 
may be hourly expected." 

Whoever will take the trouble to look over the public 
prints of this period will be astonished at the evidences of 
illiberality and party spirit which they exhibit. On one 
occasion it was recommended by Cobbett, in case of Dr. 
Logan's return, to put him in the pillory, in which I was to 
have the honour to accompany him. They likewise said 
the Directory had quarrelled with him and ordered his 
departure from Paris. Bache and Fenno, printers of the 
opposite parties, both died this autumn. 

I am conscious that I have ample materials in the circum- 
stance of the return of my honoured husband to his native 
country, after having rendered her so important a service, 
to produce a picture (if the master's hand were not want- 
ing) which, true to nature, and to the strong emotions which 
characterized that period, should still, whilst it transmitted a 
memorial of those emotions, convey likewise an idea of the 

* Comment by the editor of the Philadelphia Gazette. 
80 



flnemoir of 35)r. ©coroe Xooan 



"weight and pressure" of the times over which it was the 
reward of his patriotism to triumph. 

It was the reign of addresses, as well as of terror. It 
had been for some time the custom for party to express its 
sentiments to the public by means of addresses to the 
President (Mr, Jefierson) ; and he also made use of the oc- Cta^xcuei 

casion of his answering them as a suitable vehicle to convey 
his opinions and fulminate his anathemas. 

His character is (for he is yet living *) a very singular 
combination of opposite qualities and sentiments. No one 
could seriously question his honesty or patriotism, or deny 
that he had performed many and great services to his 
country ; but he was at this period so inflated with an 
extraordinary conceit of his own talents, chiefly, I think, 
produced by the flattery which had been poured out for 
him by unsparing hands, that he seemed to believe nothing 
was wanting to his reputation but a war, that it might be 
seen by the world how skilfully he could sit at the helm 
and steer the vessel of the republic through its rocks and 
shoals. 

He had declared, in an answer to one of the addresses 
which were then most frequently presented, that "The 
Finger of Heaven pointed to War." That is, in other words, 
that he had determined on it, and the public mind, at that 
time swayed by the dominant party and incited by various 
passions, had hitherto borne him company. 

But calmer thoughts had happily succeeded. The suffer- 
ings of many in the loss of their friends and families by the 
pestilence had considerably allayed the fierce spirit with 
* 1821. 
81 



memoir of Dr. (Beorge Xogan 



which citizens of opposite parties regarded each other, and 
they paused upon the prospect of adding war to the cata- 
logue of evils wherewith they were afflicted. 

I was early sensible myself of the change which public 
opinion was about to undergo by the kind inquiries and 
lively interest which the lower ranks of citizens expressed 
for my husband, for now, almost every day, wishes for his 
safety and speedy return greeted my ears. 

The change in the measures of the President, which after- 
wards took place, may perhaps be partly attributable to his 
perception of this alteration of the sentiments of the people 
to a conviction that war would be injurious, and to a lure, 
not inartificially held out to him, of a re-election to the 
Presidency upon condition of his concluding a peace with 
France, and the further terms of the dismissal from the office 
of Secretary of State of one of the most honest and upright 
men in the whole community, and I have been confirmed in 
this latter imputation by a conversation which I have lately 
had with this gentleman ; but I forbear to say any more on 
this head. 

The feelings which now agitated my mind (I suppose 
from something comparable to condensation) became so 
intense that I could scarcely control myself. I expected, 
and had been led to do so from what many told me, that 
the government would imprison Dr. Logan upon his return, 
and I hardly dared to hope that he, "who certain of the 
weight" often disregarded " the impress" of what he said 
and did, had been so cautious that spies and enemies would 
not be able to pick out something to accuse him of which 
they would deem criminal. 

82 



flnemoir of Dr. (Beoroe OLooan 



I had also learned (for circumstances calculated to create 
alarm seldom remain a secret to the anxiously interested) 
that there were two vessels called the "Perseverance" to 
sail from Bordeaux, one of which was tight and new, the 
other a bad sailer, old, and scarcely seaworthy ; the latter, 
my fears suggested, was the one in which my husband had 
embarked, for I knew he would stay till the last ; and it was 
remarkable that both these ships arrived in our river on the 
same day. 

At length messages from many of my friends greeted 
me with the expectation of his arrival, and two emigrant 
French gentlemen who lived upon our Wakefield farm and 
who had been in Philadelphia called, on their return, to tell 
me what they had heard on this head, so that I was ap- 
prised of his near approach, but did not look for his arrival 
before the next day. My sons, who were young mountain- 
eers in their fearless habits and love of the chase, had that 
morning taken out their father's favourite spaniel, and by 
accident had wounded her. She was brought to me to be 
nursed, and was accommodated with a cushion near the 
fire. My youngest boy was put to bed, and the others 
were reading with me in the dining-room, when a step was 
heard on the piazza. 

The wounded animal raised herself, and, instinctively 
knowing the sound, strove to get to the door. It opened, 
and in a moment the restored husband, father, friend, and 
master found himself in the bosom of his happy family, — 
for our affectionate old Dinah (who had likewise taken care 
of him in infancy), hearing the joyful exclamation, had 
brought Algernon from his bed to share in his father's 

83 



memoir of 2)r. ©corae Xogan 



caresses, and, herself embracing his knees, blessed God 
that she had lived to witness his return. 

We all shed tears of the purest jo}^. And never shall I 
forget the happiness of that hour, for there was an honest 
security in his manner that at once banished all my fears 
from the machinations of his enemies, whom he now had 
completely under his feet; and never did one from their 
upright and virtuous conduct more entirely live down 
calumny or more innocently triumph over base and un- 
founded aspersions. 

Oh, memory of my lost but ever honoured husband! 
would I had it in my gift to place an imperishable garland 
on thy tomb ! — that the envied talent was given me so to 
portray the patriot flame that warmed thy heart and guided 
thy conduct that posterity should do thy character justice, 
and in after-times view the spot where thine ashes rest with 
the veneration ever due to the benefactors of mankind ! 

Immediately after this interview with his family he thought 
it his duty to wait upon the President and the Secretary of 
State with his despatches, informing them of the state of 
things in France and to offer to them the inspection of all 
his papers if they chose to examine them. It was in the 
month of November ; Congress was about to assemble, 
and, in consequence of Philadelphia having been visited by 
the yellow fever, the President and heads of departments 
were at Trenton. 

At Bristol, on his way thither, Dr. Logan joined General 
Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, his lady, and family, who as 
old acquaintances were extremely glad to see him, and 
they breakfasted together with a cordiality that surprised 

84 



memoir of H)r. (Beorge %0Qm 



many who observed it at the inn. He overheard some of 
their remarks, which were very amusing.* 

He waited on the President, was admitted (it had been 
rumoured that the President would not receive him), and had 
a long conference alone with him. The President asked 
him many questions, all of which he answered with his usual 
candour. Nor did the President show to him any of that 
irritability of temper with which he has been charged, for 
he was very polite and had the usual refreshments brought 
for his guest ; only a little sally escaped him when the as- 
surances of the Directory that they would receive a minister 
were repeated to him. He arose from his chair, and, with a 
characteristic action used when in earnest, "Yes," said he, 
" I suppose if I were to send Mr. Madison or Mr. Giles or 
Dr. Logan they would receive either of ^Aem. But I'll do 
no such thing; I'll send whom I please." 

"And whoever you do please to send will be received," 
replied Dr. Logan. 

* In passing through Philadelphia on his return home he had stopped 
at the coffee house and at the hotel to look for lodgings for Captain Gard- 
ner, who was a stranger in the city. The utmost surprise was expressed 
upon seeing him — at large. But the people all greeted him with joy. 
The innkeeper, who furnished him with a horse and gig to return home, 
would take no hire for it, saying he was too happy to have it in his power 
to oblige him. 



85 



CHAPTER VII 
IReceptfon bs tbe Government— Xogan Bet— H&&resses 

.^^'"^VR. LOGAN, previous to this reception by the 
J^^_^ President, had an interview with Colonel Picker- 
ing, then Secretary of State, in which these two 
gentlemen, of politics diametrically opposed to each other, 
became so convinced of each other's honesty of purpose 
and love of their country, that it laid the foundation of a 
sincere and lasting esteem and friendship between them.* 

He thought it proper in like manner to wait on General 
Washington and inform him of what had passed in France ; 
and I remember that at this interview the general asked him 
what was the reason the Directors had treated him [Logan] 
so well, when the government of France had assumed so 
different a tone to our commissioners ? 

* Since writing the above I have found a paper in Dr. Logan's hand- 
writing giving an account of this interview, which I shall here transcribe. 

" After a conversation of considerable length with Mr. Pickering, dur- 
ing which he at times manifested a great degree of irritation against the 
French, I took my leave : he waited on me to the door, on the threshold of 
which, with a voice altered by the agitation of his mind, he stammered out 
these words, too singular not to be related : 

" ' Sir, it is my duty to inform you that the government does not thank 
you for what you have done. ' 

" Considering Mr. Pickering as Secretary of State and the public organ 
of the executive, I was astonished at his folly. In this the most important 
transaction of my life I had the approbation of my conscience. I never 
experienced a more perfect satisfaction than what arose from thp reflection 
of having done my country so considerable a service. ' ' 

86 



flDcmoir of Dr. (Beorge Uocjan 



Doctor Logan replied that his own conduct, and not 
theirs, was all he could account for. 

Congress, directly after it assembled, passed what was 
then denominated " Logan's Law," providing for such a case 
in future ; but I believe none have ever been arraigned un- 
der it ; * neither did it prevent him from going some years 
afterwards on the same kind of mission to England. The 
Legislature of Pennsylvania, and the President of the United 
States, in their address, and in his answer (so much the 
fashion of that day), complained that he had interfered to 
make peace ; but their censure fell innoxious on him, whilst 
the rebound made themselves (so much disappointed in 
not having a war on their hands) appear extremely ridicu- 
lous. 

But the difference in public opinion was soon so manifest 
that Dr. Logan enjoyed a complete but guiltless triumph 
over his adversaries. The most sanguine could not have 
promised themselves such entire success as had attended 
his enterprise. 

He very soon went to Chester to pay his dutiful respects 
to my mother. I accompanied him, and we afterwards ex- 
tended our ride to Wilmington, the residence of our valued 
Cousin Dickinson, and I greatly enjoyed the attention and 
respect with which he was everywhere received, so different 
from the fear and shyness which was visible but a few months 
before, when many, who were otherwise friendly, appeared 
afraid to be seen speaking to him in the street. 

But now, when we met the stages, there was a general 
burst of welcome and congratulation ; yet I know that he 
* See Appendix. 
87 



flncmoir of Dr. (Beoroe Xooan 



repressed any public expression towards himself which he 
thought might tend to exasperate the opposite party. 

The full approbation of so enlightened and virtuous a 
citizen as John Dickinson weighed much more in his esti- 
mation than the vain breath of popular applause, which often 
can give but poor reasons for its praise or blame, and is 
frequently swayed by circumstances, fortunate in themselves 
but out of the control of the individual whom they praise, or 
the contrary, the result of which is equally out of his power.* 

Whoever will take the trouble to look into the United 
States Gazette of December 28, 1798, will find the address 
from the Legislature of Pennsylvania -j- and the equally wise 
answer of the President of the United States. There is 
likewise a notice of Dr. Logan's visit to Wilmington in the 
same paper, entirely false and malicious. 

But I should trespass too far on my readers' patience 
were I to notice all the calumnies with which he was assailed. 
Suffice it to say that they fell innoxious on him. The 
Gazette likewise contained part of the debate in Congress 
preparatory to the passage of the law before mentioned. 

However, after a short time Dr. Logan thought it incum- 
bent upon himself, in refutation of the suggestions of his 
enemies and in defence of his own character, to publish the 
following address to his fellow-citizens : 

* See Mr. Dickinson's letter in Appendix. 

t This is an address from the Senate. In the Gazette of the 21st of 
the same month is one from the House of Representatives, with its an- 
swer, all touching on the like chord, and very angry that an unauthorized 
individual should have dared to interpose (and successfully, too) in avert- 
ing the horrors and atrocities of war from his own country. 

88 



flnemoir of 2)r. ©eoroe Xooan 



" To THE Citizens of the United States : 

" Whilst insinuations injurious to my character were confined to a few 
public prints which disgrace our country by ye too general abuse of re- 
publican citizens and virtuous strangers, I considered them as unworthy 
of notice, confident that none but minds totally devoid of every principle 
of honour and truth would credit or propagate them. But as persons high 
in office have become ye agents of private slander, it becomes my duty to 
vindicate myself by a short statement of facts, leaving to my slanderers ye 
full benefit of invention, surmise, and falsehood. 

" To defend and support ye rights of our country as an independent 
commonwealth is certainly ye first duty of every good citizen. But a 
state of war is inevitably attended with so many calamities that an en- 
lightened nation will seek every honourable means to avoid it. With 
France ye situation of ye United States appears to me peculiarly deli- 
cate, having received from that nation ye most essential services during 
our arduous struggle against ye wanton injuries and oppressions of ye 
British government. 

" Under these impressions I embarked for Europe. On my arrival at 
Hamburg I met with that distinguished friend to our country, General La- 
fayette. He procured me ye means of pursuing my journey to Paris. 
Regarding himself equally ye citizen of ye United States as of France, he 
views with particular anxiety ye existing difficulties between ye two re- 
publics, and has written to General Washington on this important subject. 

" I arrived in Paris on ye 7th of August, when I received ye first cer- 
tain intelligence that our commissioners had left that city without having 
accomplished ye object of their mission, and that all negotiation was at 
an end. The consul-general of ye United States informed me that an 
embargo had been recently laid on our shipping in ye ports of France, 
and that many of our seamen were confined as prisoners. 

" Unacquainted with any law, moral or political, by which I was pro- 
hibited from benefiting my country, I availed myself of every legal means 
to procure an interview with influential characters, when, as a private 
citizen of ye United States, I gave it as my opinion that it was in ye 
power of France, by acts of justice and magnanimity worthy of her elevated 
situation, to restore harmony between ye two republics. I suggested ye 
7 89 



flilcmoir of 2)r. (Bcorge Xogan 



propriety of releasing our seamen, confined as prisoners, and raising ye 
embargo on our shipping, detained in their ports.* I stated that acts of 
this kind, taking place immediately after ye late declarations of friend- 
ship made by ye Directory to Mr. Gerry, might become ye basis of a 
happy reconciliation. 

" In my conversations with ye citizens of France, or with strangers 
whom I met in Paris, I spoke of ye situation of my country as I felt, but 
at all times with respect. I represented that ye idea of a party in ye 
United States ready to sacrifice ye government of their own country to that 
of any other was totally without foundation ; that ye people, constituting 
ye sovereign authority and enjoying all ye advantages of a representa- 
tive government, had it always in their power to alter ye constitution 
and laws of their country. I observed that ye French, not being so 
much attached to commerce as to agriculture and to ye arts, it was un- 
doubtedly their true interest to place ye neutral flag on ye most respect- 
able footing, by which means a competition would take place in their own 
ports for ye produce of their agriculture and manufactures in exchange 
for ye productions of ye United States, to ye advantage of France ; 
that no people were so well calculated to afford these advantages to 
France as ye citizens of ye United States, and therefore ye commerce 
of ye United States in a peculiar manner merited her attention ; that it 
would not only promote ye immediate interest of France, but it would 
redound to her reputation, to recur to ye original principles of her own 
glorious revolution, respecting ye neutral flag, and secure by this measure 
ye first step towards a perfect freedom of commerce among all nations. 

* Dr. Logan was in England at the beginning of our Revolutionary War. Being at 
one of the towns on the seaboard, he learned that an American captain Was confined in 
the jail of the place as a prisoner of war, — one of the first in the contest that had been 
so committed. He (Dr. Logan) visited him, and, learning the particulars of his case, 
lost no time in reporting it to Dr. Fothergill and David Barclay (men who to great 
humanity joined a strong attachment to our country). They interested themselves in his 
behalf, and he was very soon liberated on his parole. 

Many years afterwards, when with Dr. Logan on Rhode Island, I heard Captain 
Almy express his grateful sense of the kind office which had been done for him. No 
restrictive law would have prevented Dr. Logan from trying to release, by any legal 
means in his po^ver, prisoners of this description, or in endeavouring to make peace. 

90 



fIDemoir of Dr. (Beoroc Xogan 



" Ye politeness of a foreigner of distinguished talents, whom I met with 
in Paris, procured me an interview with Citizen Merlin. My visits to him 
were those of a private friend in his own family. On one of these oc- 
casions he informed me that France had not ye least intention to interfere 
in ye public affairs of ye United States ; that his country had acquired 
great reputation in having assisted ye United States to becorrie a free re- 
public ; they would not disgrace their own revolution by attempting its 
destruction. He observed that, with respect to ye violation of our flag, 
it was common with all neutrals, and was provoked by ye example of 
England, and intended to place France on an equal ground with her, so 
long as she should be permitted by ye neutral powers to avail herself of 
their resources. But that ye Government of France, averse to such a 
competition, were contemplating measures to make their laws more favour- 
able towards neutral nations. In confirmation of this declaration I re- 
ceived whilst at Bourdeaux a letter from ye consul-general of ye United 
States dated Paris, August 30, in which he says, ' Ye opinion which cir- 
culated when you left us, of this government adopting a liberal system in 
regard to ye flag and property of neutrals, gains ground every hour.' 
When I left Paris ye ministers from ye northern neutral powers were 
earnestly engaged in promoting this event by friendly negotiation. 

" These governments are jealous of ye commerce of ye United States, 
and if an accommodation should not take place with ye French republic, 
they will seize ye opportunity to procure for themselves advantages which 
it may not afterwards be in ye power of ye United States to command, and 
by which means they may become ye carriers even of our own produce. 

"Whilst I was in Paris, Mr. Skipwith, ye consul-general of ye United 
States, received officially from ye government of France an artrt, by 
which ye embargo was removed from all American vessels in ye ports of 
France, accompanied by another directing ye release and kind treatment 
of all our seamen. He was also at ye same time informed that ye Di- 
rectory were pursuing measures to promote in ye legislative bodies an 
alteration in their laws more favoxurable to ye rights of ye neutral flag. 

" Believing that this manifestation on ye part of ye republic of France 
would be highly acceptable to my country, I offered my service to ye con- 
sul-general to be ye bearer of his despatches to ye President of ye 

91 



flRemoir of S)r. (Beoroe looan 



United States. I understand duplicates were forwarded at ye same time 
by Major Woodward by ye way of Boston. On my arrival in Philadel- 
phia I embraced ye earliest opportunity of waiting on ye Secretary of 
State with ye public despatches intrusted to my care. I had a long con- 
versation with him. What I knew of ye situation of France I expressed 
freely ; everything relative to my own conduct which I thought important 
I communicated, and I offered voluntarily to answer any interrogatories he 
might think proper to put, and to communicate any papers in my pos- 
session. It was then in ye power of government to have substituted facts 
for insinuations. From what motives they have rejected ye one and 
chosen ye other they best know. I also waited on ye President of ye 
United States soon after his arrival at ye seat of government ; he received 
me with politeness, and we conversed for some time respecting ye relative 
situation of France and ye United States. 

"As some of ye most respectable citizens of ye United States are im- 
plicated with myself respecting my late journey to Europe, I think it 
necessary more particularly on their accounts in ye most pointed manner 
to state ye following facts : 

"I did not go to France at ye direction, at ye request, or on ye ad- 
vice of any person whatever. I went for my own pleasure, with my own 
views, and at my own expense. 

" I did not go or act as ye agent, official or unofficial, of any man or 
set of men whatever. I did not carry any message, letter, or introduction 
from any citizen of America whatever addressed to any citizen or public 
body in France ; ye two certificates of citizenship which I carried with 
me were addressed to no one, they were not taken or ever used for ye 
purpose of procuring an interview with any citizen or pubhc body in 
France, but such as I thought might be necessary in my passage through 
Germany and Holland. I never conversed with any person in France in 
their official capacity, or as being in any public capacity myself, nor did I 
associate with any person whose name I am afraid or ashamed to avow. 

"If after these declarations, which I aver to be true, any person shall 
think fit without proof to assert or insinuate to ye contrary, I shall regard 
or rather consider him as a contemptible propagator of falsehood and 
calumny; convinced that, upon the strictest examination, my conduct 

92 



nnemoir of Dr. (Bcorge Xogan 



whilst in Europe will be found neither dishonourable to myself nor injurious 

to my country. 

" Geo. Logan. 
" Stenton, January 12, 1799." 

Note to the Address. 
" This Paper was first published in the Aurora, and so great was the demand for it 
that it was republished the next day and copied into many other papers (Republican ones, 
for the Federalists as a party were not generous enemies). I now copy from the manu- 
script, which perhaps may differ from the printed copy in a few words, but I am not con- 
scious that it does so. The following introductory notice, which was afterwards affixed 
to some of the copies by some other hand, I subjoin because of the fact which it contains : 

{^From the Aurora.") 
" No people on earth have reserved to themselves a greater proportion of power in 
their form of government than the citizens of the United States, yet an apathy has pre- 
vailed among them for several years respecting the conduct of public men dangerous to 
the liberties of their country. We must except from this general charge the conduct of 
an individual citizen who, at a critical period when the administration, urged on by a des- 
perate faction, were on the point of involving the United States in the bloody contest of 
Europe, procured interviews with the government of France, and by his private in" 
dividual efforts laid the foundation of peace between the two nations, for which on his 
sailing from Bordeaux, he received the public thanks of the American captains and other 
citizens of the United States detained there. Dr. Logan, aware that his negotiation 
with the Directory might be considered by the President of the United States as unofficial, 
and as such might be neglected, made an arrangement with Mr. Schimmelpenninck, am- 
bassador from the Batavian republic to the republic of France, that a copy of the docu- 
ments taken by him to the government of the United States should be officially commu- 
nicated by Mr. Vans Murray at The Hague. The measure thus supported was attended 
with success, owing to the magnanimity and sound policy of President Adams, who re- 
newed his negotiation by the mission of three respectable Federal characters, by whom 
every difficulty subsisting between the two nations was immediately adjusted. (In the 
former negotiation the Directory refused to negotiate with Generals Pinckney and Mar- 
shall because they were of the Federal party, or the English party as they termed it.)" 



93 



CHAPTER VIII 
IReturn to public 5Life 

H SHORT time after his (Dr, Logan's) return he 
was visited, one evening, by a gentleman whom 
he had met with abroad, and who was then also 
about returning to the United States. This gentleman was 
a Republican in politics, and after the ascendency of that 
party in the government has been more than once em- 
ployed by it in missions to foreign courts. 

He related to us that during his passage at sea their 
vessel was chased by one which they suspected was an 
English man-of-war, and that a person on board of their 
ship who was charged with despatches from Vans Murray, 
our minister at The Hague, became excessively frightened, 
and wished some of the other passengers to take posses- 
sion of his papers, which they refused to do. 

He then broke open the packet and scattered its con- 
tents about the berths and under the furniture of the cabin. 
The vessel in view did not prove what they suspected, 
and they had no domiciliary visit from an enemy. The 
fool, then, not knowing what to do with his violated de- 
spatches, did not offer to collect its contents, but suffered 
them to be thrown about with broken seals or taken up 
by the other passengers as they pleased to satisfy their 
own curiosity. 

Our visitor produced several of these letters, directed to 
Colonel Pickering, then Secretary of State, from the min- 

94 



nnemoir of 2)r. Gcoxqc Xooan 



ister at The Hague, and observed to Dr. Logan that himself 
and his visit to France formed part of their contents. 

Dr. Logan refused to look at them, and requested that 
his guest would not leave them ; but he threw them on 
the table, declaring that he knew not how to dispose of 
them himself. When he was gone my husband remarked 
to me that he cared not what they said of him, and if he 
did, would not stoop to gain information from such a clan- 
destine source. 

But that the letters might be useful on other accounts 
to the government, and so desired me to seal them up and, 
directing them to Colonel Pickering, have them put into the 
post-office. I did so, and, some years after, relating this 
adventure to that gentleman, he told me that he had been 
very much at a loss at the time he received those letters to 
account for the way in which these solitary remains of the 
despatches had reached him. 

He never heard anything more of the rest. I believe 
that I have elsewhere remarked that the candour and dis- 
interestedness which my husband's conduct had so dis- 
played in his visit to France had impressed the Secretary 
with sentiments very different from those which he had at 
one time entertained towards him, and was the foundation 
of a friendship improved by their being afterwards in public 
life together, when, however they might differ in politics, 
they found abundant reason to esteem each other for those 
qualities which united them as patriots possessing one 
common love of their country, and all those ties of virtue 
and honour which bind the loftiest and best of men to such 
as are like themselves. 

95 



fIDcmoir ot H)r. (Beorge Xogan 



This little incident had no consequence that I know of, 
and I hardly can tell how I came to insert it here ; but it 
may serve to show the habitual respect which he constantly 
paid to what was right in all his actions. 



96 



CHAPTER IX 

Electfon as Tllnite& States Senator— Tibe Xogan Xaw 
Enacteb 

^T^R. MONROE (now (1821) President of the United 
^ 1 w States), when he arrived after his mission to 
France, was most coldly received by the party 
then in power. But in general Dr. Logan was not fond of 
these ceremonies, and always excused himself from attend- 
ing them if he could do it without giving offence. 

Speaking of the return of Colonel Monroe from France 
reminds me of a difference which he had at that time with 
General Hamilton, which Dr. Logan and all his other friends 
feared would eventuate in a duel. Happily it went over 
without producing this barbarous consequence. I do not 
recollect enough of the occasion to give it, but the explana- 
tion satisfied without producing any cordiality between the 
parties. 

A vacancy occurring just at this period (1798) in the 
House of Representatives of this State for the county of 
Philadelphia, his (Dr. Logan's) fellow-citizens elected him 
by a large majority over the most popular candidate that 
his adversaries could oppose to him. He knew nothing of 
this election himself until his return from Jersey, for he was 
absent at the time a deputation had waited on him to know 
if he would serve if elected, and, finding him from home, 
had interrogated me upon the subject. 

The Republicans rejoiced exceedingly at this election, as 
97 






/ 



nnemoir of Wv, (Beorge ILooan 



deeming it an unequivocal sign that the balance was turning 
in their favour. In fact, it was their first triumph. 

The disagreeable fracas which occurred during one of the 
sittings of the Assembly was produced by the ranklings of 
party spirit, and may serve to show how strong and diffusive 
were its effects. But in this he (Dr. Logan) was not the 
aggressor, nor shall it be further noticed by me than to say 
that I lived to witness all this bitterness between the parties 
removed, and to see cherished in its place sentiments of re- 
spect and Christian kindness, for such was the disposition 
in which Dr. Logan and his antagonist, many years after- 
wards, met and regarded each other as friends.* 

At Lancaster, where the Assembly then sat, he (Dr. 
Logan) formed many acquaintances and some friendships 
which were then, and afterwards, productive of much pleas- 
ure to him, and among them I must place in the foremost 
rank his friendship with the venerable Henry Muhlen- 
berg, who to a disposition fraught with humanity and be- 
nevolence to his fellow-men added the interest of a knowl- 
edge of literature and science, and in whom he found a 
fellow-labourer in whatever promised to promote the public 
good. 

By their exertions an agricultural society for the county 
of Lancaster was organized, and met. Dr. Logan also in- 
troduced to the Legislature a bill preparatory to the Act for 
the Encouragement and Promotion of Agriculture, Manu- 
factures, and the Useful Arts, and he published about the 

* This refers to a personal altercation between Dr. Logan and a highly 
respected member of the Legislature from Philadelphia. It is not easy to 
say which of these gentlemen was the aggressor. 

98 



flRemoir ot Dr. (Beoroe Xooan 



same time a letter addressed to the citizens of Pennsylvania 
on the necessity of promoting these objects. 

Here I must explain in what manner he wished manufac- 
tures to be encouraged. It was such as the farmer sees car- 
ried on in the bosom of his own family by the industry of 
his wife and daughters, or the ingenious mechanic perfects 
in his own shop for his own emolument, untarnished by the 
profligacy of manners which too frequently attends collect- 
ing people to work in large manufacturing establishments. 

He constantly himself dressed in homespun clothes, and 
was delighted to see me furnish employment to our poor 
neighbours in giving out flax and wool to be spun by them. 
My heart whilst I write is sensibly touched with the recol- 
lection of these minor but most endearing traits of patriotism 
and regard to the welfare and comfort of all classes of his 
fellow-citizens, and well would it be for Pennsylvania if her 
councils were to be directed and her laws made by those 
who could claim at least some resemblance to this most up- 
right and useful citizen. 

The first business of Congress at their session after his 
return seemed to have been the enacting of a short law to 
prevent in future that interference with foreign governments 
which in the present instance had forced a peace upon our 
own. It was the ebullition of party vexation, and was at the 
time denominated " Logan's Law." 

I do not particularly know whether he transgressed against 
the letter of it when he afterwards went to England (though 
during another administration) with the same anti-warlike 
intent, but I am sure he thought it was to be 

" More honoured in the breach than in the observance." 
99 



nnemoir of S)r. (Scovqc Xogan 



Much was said by the Federal gentlemen in Congress, 
especially by Robert Goodloe Harper, Esq., in attempting 
to criminate Dr. Logan's conduct, which tended only to 
produce in the public mind a more thorough conviction that 
neither by word nor action had he rendered himself amen- 
able to the censure of his country, for this was the termina- 
tion to which all the clues of his enemies finally conducted. 

In the twelfth month, 1799, I lost my honoured and most 
worthy mother, and in her a friend who had tenderly sym- 
pathized with me in all the difficulties and anxieties of my 
situation during my husband's absence, and who was greatly 
esteemed by him. And in the following year, about eight 
months after this event, it pleased Divine Providence to re- 
move also by death our second son, Gustavus, in the four- 
teenth year of his age (born at Stenton October 6, 1786; 
died August 20, 1800), a boy of so uncommon a character 
that were I here to attempt its portraiture my pen might be 
thought to be transformed by a parent's partiality into a 
flattering pencil, for he had the very best and ripest judg- 
ment which I had ever seen in such early years, united to a 
strict regard to truth, presence of mind, and great courage 
and generosity of soul, joined to a heart the most tender 
and affectionate, which fully returned our ardent attachment 
and secured to its amiable possessor the love of all who 
knew him. 

In person, too, he exactly resembled his father. What 
the loss of such a child must have been a parent alone can 
estimate. 

In 1801 Dr. Logan was appointed a senator of the United 
States for the State of Pennsylvania in the room of General 



flnemoir of Dr. (Beoroe Xooan 



Peter Muhlenberg, who had resigned his seat. This situa- 
tion was bestowed on him by the Executive Magistrate 
without the smallest solicitation or intrigue on his part what- 
soever, as was likewise his appointment afterwards by the 
Legislature of the State. 

He sat in the Seventh and Eighth Congresses, from De- 
cember, 1 80 1, to March, 1807, and might have been con- 
tinued for a longer term, but he declined a re-election.* 

It will not, I presume, be expected that I should attempt 
to give in this sketch any account of his (Dr. Logan's) sena- 
torial services, for I only know that the good of his country 
was the paramount object which he had in view, and to which 
in his mind and practice every other consideration was sub- 
serv'ient. 

The accession of Jefferson to the Presidency had been 
hailed by a majority of the people of these States (for the 

*(From the Aurora, Friday, December 18, 1801. Extract of a letter, 
dated Lancaster, December 16, 1801.) 

" Dear Sir, — It is with great satisfaction I inform you that George 
Logan, Esq. , has been this day elected our senator in the Congress of the 
United States. The votes stood thus : 

George Logan 68 

Joseph Heister 30 

Samuel Maclay 2 

Isaac Weaver 2 

N. B. Boileau 2 

John Kean i 

"The above election, I hope, ^vill fully evince the falsity of the assertion 
made by the Anglo-Federalists that the Republicans wanted unanimity, 
and that they would soon effect a division among them." 

lOI 



flnemoir of 2)r. (Beorge Xogan 



balance was now fairly turned in favor of the Republican 
party) as a most auspicious event. 

Even now, when in the retrospect of those times when 
we contrast the abihty with which his inaugural speech was 
written with the wildness and passion of President Adams's 
conversation and conduct, we cannot be surprised that 
reasonable men who were not partisans should hope the 
public would be benefited by the change. 

For had Adams wished to have given his fortunate rival 
an advantage, he could not, perhaps, have chosen a more 
certain way than that of his own conduct, his enemies being 
willing enough to compare the darkness of his last night 
(of which his friends were truly ashamed) with the promise 
of a bright day which was to succeed it. 

Did we not often see very strange and opposite combi- 
nations in the characters of men, we might wonder at the 
weaknesses betrayed by one who had borne so conspicuous 
a part in asserting the independence of his country as Adams 
had done, and for this and other services had so many claims 
on its gratitude. 

One of these weaknesses (if we may credit the reports 
of that day), of an unaccountable though minor cast, which 
by the speedy termination of the project occasioned no 
great loss, was the facility with which himself and his Direc- 
tor of the Mint lent an ear to the proposal of a rogue who 
pretended to have found out the art of transmutation of 
metals. A folly, however, which may be laughed at with 
perfect freedom from malice, since it occasions no stain on 
the moral character. 

Adams and Jefferson had been at one time in habits of 



flRemoir of Dr. George Xogan 



considerable intimacy with each other, and I remember to 
have heard the last-named gentleman say that he greatly 
valued Mrs. Adams as a most sensible and prudent woman, 
and he added that he had a file of her letters which he 
much valued. The occasion of their correspondence was 
the communication which her husband and himself kept up 
when on their respective missions to England and France. 
Mrs. Adams wrote for her husband and furnished the most 
valuable and authentic information (Jefferson said) that he 
received. 



103 



CHAPTER X 
Mts IRelations wttb ^ejferson's H&minlstration 

t^ I 'HE view which history presents to the mind of past 
• J[^ events, like the landscape seen with the outward 
eye, loses in remote distance, or only shows im- 
perfectly those objects that want a bold outline, or a deci- 
sive colouring ; all the lighter shades, or less vivid objects, 
important as they seem in the foreground, fade as they 
recede, and when the mischief has been arrested the danger 
is soon forgotten. 

But it really does seem to me that if the false principles 
upon which the government had been conducted had lasted 
a little longer, or, with the help of the violent party spirit 
that it had excited, had extended a little further, not only 
would the progress of the improvement of our country 
have been impeded, but we should unhappily have witnessed 
it turned into an aceldama wet with the blood of our best 
citizens. 

Yet some degree of disappointment was experienced by 
even the Federalists themselves, as well as by the best 
patriots of the Republican party, when they found that the 
new President in his appointments to office did not make 
good that impartiality of which they thought he had given a 
pledge when he said in his inauguration speech, " We are 
all Republicans ; we are all Federalists." 

For he dismissed from public service many respectable 
men and excellent officers to whom no fault could be justly 
104 



memoir of Dr. (Beoroe %OQm 



attributed but their political opinions, and bestowed the 
places which they had held upon their clamorous and exult- 
ing rivals. It was not amusing, but mortifying to us, who 
had indulged in a kind of chivalrous expectation of patriotism 
and disinterestedness, to mark the avidity with which offices 
of emolument were sought. 

At one time the numbers who waited on Dr. Logan to 
ask him to use his interest with the President on their be- 
half quite surprised me. But he soon gave them to under- 
stand that he would recommend none unless their characters 
and abilities fitted them for the places which they aspired to 
fill. 

I remember one person who brought a petition in his own 
favour for an office which he wished to obtain, and requested 
Dr. Logan to sign it. 

"Sir," replied Dr. Logan, "I have not the pleasure of 
knowing you, and therefore cannot sign your recommenda- 
tion." 

" Oh, sir," was the answer, " that is of no consequence. 
You know the gentlemen who have already signed." 

"True, sir, but I do not know you, and therefore you 
must excuse me." 

The petitioner went away in a very bad humour at his 
fastidiousness in being determined to recommend none that 
he did not know. As might be expected, the President was 
very much harassed with these applicants, each of whom 
made a merit of the services which they had rendered as 
having been essential to his elevation. 

So that it seemed as if a general principle established in 
the beginning might have saved him much importunity and 
8 los 



flncmoir of 2)r. (Beorgc Xogan 



trouble, for the declaration already cited was received at 
the time with general satisfaction. We were all then ready 
to inquire with the poet, — 

" When shall our hated deadly faction cease? 
When shall our long divided land have rest?" 

If it be true that power is the great corrupter of the 
human heart ; that power changes moral character ; that 
" great power or a long possession of power changes a 
man's moral nature," then, instead of wondering at some 
little aberrations from the straight and plain path of recti- 
tude wherein our Presidents ought to walk, we may bless 
ourselves at the salutary check provided by the Constitu- 
tion in the certainty of a return to private life ; that they 
have given us no greater reason to complain than has as 
yet occurred. 

Yet I own I should dread to see in that station a man 
who should unite to the popularity which Jefferson pos- 
sessed a bold and daring character, especially if he were a 
successful military chief May a good Providence defend 
my country from this danger! 

The President was soon sensible of the disunion which 
about this time took place in the Republican party, for he 
said to Dr. Logan that he foresaw what would ensue. Men 
of the best and most disinterested principles would dissent 
from the less scrupulous and more violent measures of 
others, who would possess on their side the greatest physi- 
cal force and, consequently, would be dominant ; and my 
husband could not hold him free from blame with this dis- 
tinction in his mind in that he too much gave his weight to 
1 06 



flRemotr of 2)r. (Beorge Xogan 



the latter. Yet candour must acknowledge that his situa- 
tion was one of great difficulty on many accounts. 

One of Jefferson's own letters will best tell what he 
thought on the emancipation of the blacks and the aboli- 
tion of the slave-trade. He writes to Dr. Logan under 
date of May 1 1, 1805. 

{Air. Jefferson to Dr. Logan.~) 

"Washington, May ii. 1805. 
' ' Dear Sir, — I received last night a letter from Mr Thomas Brannagan 
163. S. Water street Philadelphia, asking my subscription to the work an- 
nounced in the inclosed paper.* the cause in which he embarks is so 
holy, the sentiments he expresses in his letter so friendly that it is highly 
painful to me to hesitate on a compliance which appears so small, but 
that is not it's true character, and it would be injurious, even to his views, 
for me to commit myself on paper by answering his letter. I have most 
carefully avoided every public act or manifestation on that subject, 
should an occasion ever occur in which I can interpose with decisive 
effect, I shall certainly know & do my duty with promptitude and zeal, 
but in the mean time it would only be disarming myself of influence to 
be taking small means, the subscription to a book on this subject is one 
of those little irritating measures which, without advancing it's end at all, 
would by lessening the confidence & good will of a description of friends 
composing a large body, only lessen my powers of doing them good in 
the other great relations in which I stand to the publick. yet I cannot be 
easy in not answering Mr Brannagan's letter unless he can be made sen- 

* Branagan's work was chiefly among the Methodists and others, but I 
believe the work here meant was a poem entitled " Avenia. " He was an 
itinerant preacher who had been an overseer in the West India Islands, 
very sincere, a little fanatical, and a good Democrat. Dr. Logan executed 
the commission and was ever after friendly to the good man, who on his 
part returned it with high respect. The subject of the poem is the evils 
and horrors of slavery and the slave-trade. Branagan had witnessed 
many of the scenes which he describes. 
107 



flftemoir of Dr. (Beoroe Xogan 



sible that it is better I should not answer it ; & I do not know how to 
effect this, unless you would have the goodness, the first time you go to 
Philadelphia, to see him and to enter into an explanation with him. ..." 

I think it is hardly in my power to render a more accept- 
able service to posterity (if this little book shall be re- 
served for their inspection) than to insert some original 
letters from distinguished men with whom my husband was 
in habits of friendship.* 

* These letters will be found in the Appendix. 



1 08 



CHAPTER XI 
CorresponCence wltb Jefferson 

I AM now come, in the order of dates, to a letter 
written by Dr. Logan to President Jefferson at a 
time when his best friends in Congress had be- 
come uneasy and dissatisfied with some of the measures 
which he was then pursuing, and I insert it with the greater 
pleasure because of the answer, which I likewise have it in 
my power to give, — a model, I think, to future times, of 
admonition given and received by men in such exalted 
stations. 

{Dr. Logan to Air. Jefferson.') 

" Washington, March 12th 1806. 

" My dear Sir, — A Friendship of many years standing, founded on 
your many personal virtues, may excuse, and the paramount duty I owe 
my country will Justify, the freedom of this address. 

" Your Errors in conducting the Exterior relations of our country op- 
press the minds of your best Friends with the most anxious solicitude. 
You may yet retrieve your character and preserve the confidence of your 
fellow Citizens. 

" Call together your too long-neglected council, take the state of the 
Union into consideration ; Submit every subject with frankness to discus- 
sion, and unite with them, determine on such measures as may preserve 
the Peace and honour of our Country. 

"Your own Reputation demands that you should recede from pre- 
tentions that are demonstratively groundless and unjust. 

" No Truth is more thoroughly established than that ' there exists in 
the Affairs of Nations an indissoluble union between the generous maxims 

109 



nnemoir of S)r. (Beorge Xoaan 



of an honest and magnanimous Policy, and the soUd rewards of public 
prosperity and felicity. ' 

" I am with sentiments of Respect 

" your Friend 

" Geo : Logan 
"Thomas Jefferson Esqr" 

Dr. Logan had a peculiar talent of speaking the plainest 
truths without hesitation or fear to others whenever he 
thought the public good, the good of an individual, or the 
duties of friendship demanded such a proof of candour. 

He had been at this time frequently importuned by Bald- 
win (who was himself a very honest man) and other Repub- 
licans to tell the President of faults in the conduct of affairs 
which they thought needed correction, with which he fre- 
quently complied. But on the present occasion he had 
suffered much uneasiness of mind and had passed a sleep- 
less night before he wrote the above letter, to which the 
following answer was soon returned : 

" March I2th 1806. 

" Dear Sir, — I received your Letter as a proof of your Friendship. I 
have been for some time suspicious, there was something on your mind 
unknown to me, and of which I thought I had a right to expect an ex- 
planation. We may differ in our opinion of measures : but on matters of 
fact we cannot differ on due explanation. My present malady keeps me 
through the whole day incapable of business or conversation, and obliges 
me therefore to ask an interview any evening that suits you on the subject 
of your Letter. 

" Accept affectionate Salutations, 

"Th: Jefferson." * 

* The interview took place soon after. The heads of departments were 
convened, and some projects respecting the occupation of Florida were 
abandoned. But previous to this time the affairs of state had worn a 
threatening aspect. A war with Spain appeared to be at hand, for the 



fIDemoir of Dr. (Scovqc Xogan 



The note alluded to in this letter was one which the 
French minister presented to our government by order of 
his master, Napoleon, complaining of our trade with St. 
Domingo as furnishing the blacks with arms and ammuni- 
tion. The effect of which note was very perceptible, for 
those members of the Senate who had previously voted 
against Dr. Logan's bill became its advocates. 

On this occasion the minister of France, overtaking Dr. 
Logan in the street at Washington, got out of [his] carriage 
to thank him for the exertion he had made to have the trade 
prohibited. He pressed Dr. Logan to take a seat in his 
carriage, which he declining, the minister at length said, " I 
believe, sir, you are ashamed to be seen with Mr. Tur- 
reau ;" and the doctor did not take any pains to deny the 
supposition, for it was the truth. 

The minister having been a ferocious general in the revo- 
lutionary army, became the willing tool of some of those 
sanguinary monsters who deluged their unfortunate country 
in innocent blood. He could not be acceptable to any vir- 
tuous citizen. 

The reader will see from the sentiments expressed in this 
correspondence with what hope and confidence the truly 
honest and patriotic of the Republican party looked up to 
Jefferson to realize the fond expectation they had enter- 
tained of advantages to accrue to their country from his 
administration. 

President, displeased with the Spanish minister (De Casa Yrujo), either 
for being a spy upon his actions or for remonstrating with too much plain- 
ness, had notified him to leave Washington immediately, and the United 
States as soon as the season would permit. 

Ill 



flllemoir of Dr. (Beorae Xoaan 



And if upon an impartial view of his acts we perceive 
that many of these expectations were not fulfilled, and that 
the glimpses of a pure and honest poHcy with which their 
imaginations had been delighted were still among those bless- 
ings to be desired, rather than to those which were attain- 
able, yet candour, 1 think, must allow that he did many 
things well, and that his situation was one of great difficulty 
from the almost unexampled situation of the civilized world. 

He is now a very old man, and, having attained the sum- 
mit of human life with a mind and faculties unimpared with 
the length or fatigues of his journey, methinks it might be 
matter of great instruction to mankind to see him review 
his own conduct with the impartiality of a philosopher and 
the frankness of a lover of truth who was about to leave 
the transitory scene in which he had been so distinguished 
an actor. We should then, perhaps, have his experience 
added to so many who have preceded him. 

That to gain the highest point of our ambition is but to 
obtain the certainty that we have followed a delusive light 
which has conducted us to care and anxiety, but not to en- 
joyment, and that there is a void in the human mind which 
popular applauses can never fill. 

But I check myself, for I do not belong to the class of 
his calumniators. I can readily believe that he has loved 
his country, and that her welfare has at all times been an 
object paramount to his heart. If he has at times erred, or 
mistaken the means, let them who are without political sins 
throw the first stone. 

Time, which is the great corrector of party prejudices, 
enables us now to see those characters who have in their 



nnemoir of Dr. (3covqc Xogan 



turn given place to others, in their true light, unaccompanied 
either by the false glare of popular admiration or the 
malign vapours of party rancour and hatred. 

And of this I think we may be certain, that if the eminent 
individual we have been speaking of had been guilty of half 
the vices and sinister views which (not to say the public 
organs of defamation, but the highest) Federal authority 
has sometimes attributed to him he would not, it is probable, 
now be receiving proofs of their kindness and regard, such 
as we have lately been favoured to see in the octogenarian 
correspondence with his predecessor, who, with his usual 
frankness, but perhaps without thinking of the rebound, has 
been pleased to admit that " the ass has kicked in vain," for 
he adds, "All men say that the dull animal has missed the 
mark." 

Jefferson, no doubt, smiled at the confession.* He has 
another no less extraordinary correspondence with that 
very honest and upright, but prejudiced Federalist, Colonel 
Pickering, who told me of the occasion of his writing, and 
of the kind and pleasing answer which he had received (and 
several other communications passed between themj. 

This is as it should be, for the evening of life ought to 

* This is to be understood as alluding to former attacks upon the third 
President, like that in the present instance, also the base one which had 
then been recently made on his character by a " native Virginian." Nor 
could I help regretting, as I read this correspondence, that these vener- 
able sages were not favoured with some glimpses of a brighter day to 
succeed our being here, for surely, — 

" One Eye on Earth and one fast fixed on Heaven, 
Becomes a Mortal — and Immortal Man." 

113 



fIDemoir of Dr. ©eorgc Xooan 



advance unobscured by the clouds of hatred and animosity, 
and its sun be seen to descend irradiated by a glory of 
love and charity, promising the renewal of a brighter day. 

And it is truly consolatory to behold such men parting in 
the spirit of peace and kindness with each other. 

That he was a favourite of fame rather than fortune, and 
that the plans not only of his aggrandizement, but also of 
that of the two "pillars of his age" proving his successors 
being realized, show that he had laid those plans warily and 
deep, and that he has, indeed, "wielded at will" the "fierce 
democratic" of his day. But whether the means made use 
of have been at all times such as a good man would be 
justified in adopting, or such as a Washington would have 
used, is a question which the reader must resolve for him- 
self But I have no scruple in saying that neither that il- 
lustrious character nor Dickinson nor Logan would have 
resorted to the agents which he sometimes employed. 

It would be an act of injustice, even in this unfinished 
sketch of his character, not to notice the brilliancy of his 
talents, variously and beautifully cultivated, his love of let- 
ters, the charms of his rich yet easy and unaffected conver- 
sation, the urbanity of his manners, proceeding not so much 
from studied politeness as from a humane and benevolent 
heart, which made him at all times desirous to soften the 
language of refusal. 

In short, he had it in his power to have been of the most 
certain and extensive benefit to his country and to human 
kind. He would have been so entirely if he had acted up 
to the principles and professions inculcated and declared in 
his beautiful inaugural address. 

114 



to 
O teRtoJHL 



^ "/t^ Uujl' i/HUf 



CHAPTER XII 
Br Xogan's ipeace fiHission to ]Englan5 

I HAVE now faithfully related, as far as my recol- 
lection and the documents in our possession would 
serve me, the events of that part of my husband's 
life in which he was engaged in public business. He de- 
clined a re-election to the Senate, which he might have ob- 
tained, and which I had reason to regret he had not ac- 
cepted, as it furnished reflection and employment to a mind 
so devoted to the best interests of his country and of so- 
ciety that they appeared peculiarly his province, and that 
mind seemed to refuse to occupy itself with interest in less 
important concerns. 

In the beginning of 1808 he lost his valued friend and 
connection John Dickinson,* who died, after a short illness, 
at a time when the attention of the whole civilized world 
seemed to be fearfully arrested by the portentous display 
of inordinate ambition wielded with ease and energy by one 
of the most extraordinary characters that has ever appeared 
on the theatre of human affairs, and whose decisions seemed 
to form a political maelstrom from whose destructive vortex 
it required the utmost skill of our pilots at the helm to keep 
the vessel of the Republic. 

The state of affairs at this juncture made Dr. Logan ex- 
ceedingly desirous of visiting England, in the hope that his 

* See Appendix for correspondence with John Dickinson. 
"5 



finemoir of Dr. (Beorge Xogan 



philanthropic exertions in the cause of peace might have 
some effect with persons in power in that country ; and the 
kindness and cordiality with which his representations were 
received would have warranted the supposition in minds less 
sanguine than his own that good might have met corre- 
sponding good dispositions, and a war have been prevented, 
which (not to count the treasure expended) has cost the 
lives of many brave and faithful citizens, and destroyed the 
hopes of many families, besides leaving the bloody foot- 
prints of hatred and revenge, which it will take years of 
peace and philanthropy, to obliterate. 

But in this good work he met with counter-action from a 
source whence only assistance was looked for, not from the 
government at home, for President Madison afforded him 
every facility, and wrote greatly in his commendation and 
favour to our minister at the court of St. James, desiring 
him to confer with Dr. Logan and to aid his benevolent 
views all in his power ; but in this instance the minister did 
not at all scruple to act in opposition to the President's 
recommendation, for he let in a mean unfounded jealousy 
of Dr. Logan's object, heightened, perhaps, by seeing him 
treated by the most distinguished characters with the 
greatest consideration and respect, and obtaining admission 
into circles from which his own want of moral principles 
excluded him, notwithstanding the advantages of his mission 
and his brilliant talents. 

So that, although Dr. Logan had not the happiness of 
seeing the war averted, his visit to England was otherwise 
productive of a great deal of pleasure to him in the renewal 
and cultivation of various friendships with excellent indi- 

ii6 



flDemoir of Dr. (Bcorae TLoqhw 



viduals, as the many letters remaining in my possession 
amply testify. 

Perhaps no private gentleman whatever that has visited 
that country from this ever received such distinguished 
notice and respect as he did from men in the highest esti- 
mation, among vi^hom were the venerable and excellent 
bishop of Norwich, T. W. Coke, Esq., of Norfolk, the 
Duke of Bedford, Sir Joseph Banks, Sir Samuel Romilly, 
Lord Lansdown, Lord Teignmouth, Lord Barham, Sir John 
Sinclair, Robert Barclay, Thomas Clarkson, Wilberforce, 
Vansittart, and many others, of whose kind attentions to 
him memorials still remain among his papers, so that he 
was in all respects (to use the words of one of his English 
friends in speaking of his reception) " received in a most 
suitable manner by the first men both in and out of power." * 
And he thought that his ardent wishes that peace might be 
preserved between the two countries met with correspond- 
ing sentiments in almost all with whom he conversed ; in- 
deed, I believe I might safely exclude the almost, for the 
war was wickedly and unnecessarily brought about against 
the expressed general wish of both nations.f 

* See Letters in Appendix. 

f I will here mention a circumstance which occasioned a great deal of 
feeling in the outset of this unhappy contest. One of our vessels (I have 
forgotten names, but of the fact am certain) very soon after the procla- 
mation of war met with an English ship at sea, very friendly and unap- 
prised of that circumstance with which ours was acquainted. But they 
foughtj and, after a severe action, the American was victor, and the English 
captain, mortally wounded, was brought to Philadelphia and placed in the 
Pennsylvania Hospital, where, if universal sympathy and the most prompt 
and skilful surgical aid could have aught availed, his life would have been 

117 



flnemoir of Dr. (Beorae Xoaan 



Dr. Logan wrote to the President from London, giving 
him an account of the earnest disposition which was mani- 
fested to him that peace might be preserved between 
the two countries. He said that the United States renew- 
ing their commerce with the belligerents had powerfully 
strengthened their friends in Great Britain, and that what- 
ever might be the feelings of the administration, both in 
and out of Parliament, they expressed a wish to avoid war. 
He mentioned the different annual meetings of agricultural 
societies which he had attended, to which the best and 
highest classes of men in the several counties belonged, 
who had done him the honour to join his name with the 
ardent wishes they expressed to see a complete harmony 
restored between Great Britain and the United States. 
This was the case at a large agricultural meeting in Surrey, 
likewise at Woburn Abbey, the seat of the Duke of Bed- 
ford, and at Holkham, the seat of T. W. Coke, Esq., in 
Norfolk, where three hundred and forty gentlemen, par- 
taking of the hospitality of its liberal owner, expressed with 
enthusiasm the same sentiment. And the same sentiment 
is reiterated in every possible way in the numerous letters 
and notes which are now before me, received by this be- 
nevolent and patriotic man during his stay in England from 
some of the best and wisest men of that time. 

There is likewise a polite note from the Marquis of 

spared ; but his wounds were incurable. He bore ample testimony to the 
humanity and tenderness with which he was treated, but lamented for his 
wife and family, to whom he was fondly attached, in a way that pained 
every heart. Everybody was affected at his melancholy fate, and deplored 
the fatal cause of such private misfortune. 
ii8 



nnemoir of S)r. (Beorae Xogan 



Wellesley requesting an interview, which took place soon 
afterwards, and which gave to Dr. Logan an opportunity 
he had much wished for. 

But on all these occasions he did, as he had constantly 
done when on the like errand in France, declare himself an 
unauthorized individual, and that he stood in no relation to 
the government of his own country but that of a private 
citizen. 

Dr. Logan returned to his own home at Stenton, after 
his last visit to England, on the 5th of the eleventh month, 
1810. 

My remaining notices of his life must be brief, as he was 
not engaged afterwards in any public business, and his 
health declined considerably for several years before his 
decease. He made many journeys to Washington, and 
exerted himself both by writings and conversation in en- 
deavouring to avert war, which afterwards unhappily took 
place, and which gave him the most poignant uneasiness. 
Those who can remember minutely the various circum- 
stances which took place at that time will not wonder at his 
anxiety, the national happiness being suspended and its 
prosperity put to extreme hazard. The consequent anxiety 
of the public mind can only be compared to the fearful 
state of watching and distress which we feel when we see 
a beloved individual struggling through the severe par- 
oxysm of a fever. So that the inhabitants of these States 
had great reason to rejoice when the account was received 
of the termination of the war by the successful negotiation 
at Ghent, which truly pleasing intelligence reached us Feb- 
ruary 12, 1815. 

119 



CHAPTER XIII 
2>r. Xogan's Deatb an& a Sftetcb of bis Cbaracter 

^"^^^VERHAPS I cannot conclude this account of my be- 
gJ^;;^ loved and honoured husband better than by an 
extract made from a character which I drew of 
him soon after his decease. That lamented event took place 
after a languishing illness of many months, borne with a 
tranquillity and resignation truly exemplary, on the 9th of 
the fourth month, 1821, aged sixty-seven years and seven 
months. He died at his paternal seat of Stenton, where 
also his remains are deposited. 

This little memoir is sacred to the virtues of his heart 
and to his domestic worth. 

We had lived together nearly forty years, and the most 
affectionate love and entire confidence had always subsisted 
between us, from which I had reason to believe that I per- 
fectly knew his character, and a more kind and humane 
heart or more upright and just intentions I am sure no man 
could possess. He spurned the idea of being in any shape 
benefited by another's loss, and in all his dealings with his 
fellow-men most conscientiously governed himself by the 
golden rule of doing to others as he would they should do 
unto him, so that in this age of cupidity he never specu- 
lated, but was most honest and direct in all his actions. 
The Roman who wished he had a window in his breast that 
all men might see his intentions could not have been con- 
scious of greater rectitude of heart. 



flUemoir of Br. (Bcorge Xooan 



He never feigned what he did not feel ; he had no affec- 
tation whatever in his character. He was constant in his 
attachments, a most tender husband, a kind father, a just 
and good landlord and master, and a steady and efficient 
friend. 

His honour was in all points unblemished, and his love 
of truth so remarkable that he could not bear that kind of 
exaggeration in conversation which passes unreproved be- 
cause it is too common. 

All ostentation he despised, but both loved and practised 
simplicity, — in his latter years, especially, it seemed as if a 
departure from it in those with whom he lived or was inti- 
mate was extremely wounding to his feelings. He had 
none of that selfish and uncandid spirit which refuses to 
acknowledge itself in error, nor of that pride which seeks to 
distinguish itself by external appearances. 

He had lived a life of great temperance, and was exceed- 
ingly domestic in all his habits, delighting to return to his 
home, and enjoying its quiet comforts with the most heart- 
felt satisfaction. Alas ! the only reflection that now cheers 
me is the thought that as it was my dut)^ so it was my 
pleasure to make that home happy and delightful to him, 
and where while life remains I shall never cease to miss 
the affection and kindness which doubly repaid me for ever}' 
tender assiduity. 

His person was formed with exact symmetry. He was 
about the middle size, erect and graceful in his demeanour. 
His countenance would not be easily forgotten by any person 
who had once seen him ; it had an expression of thought, 
benignity, and of open, unsuspecting honesty that was very 



nnemoir of Dr. (Beoroc loaan 



remarkable. He walked and rode extremely well ; indeed, 
when on horseback his air and appearance were noble, and 
in his youth he was remarkably active. His mind was 
wholly unpolluted by avarice. His heart was tender, and 
he was often led to sympathize with others in their dis- 
tresses and difficulties. Yet he had a quickness of temper, 
and could show on occasion the utmost spirit and reso- 
lution, for his personal courage was very great. He was a 
most true republican, contemning luxury and despising 
false glory. I may be asked for the reverse of this picture. 
To me he had no reverse, but was exactly the kind and 
good and upright man which I have here represented him. 

He was most willing to die, often saying that his only re- 
gret was in parting from me. In his latter years he had it 
much at heart that, laying aside sectarian prejudices, the 
good of all religious societies should unite to promote the 
great designs of Christianity, having in his own mind real- 
ized that happy state in which he could call every country 
his country, and every man his brother. 

Several years have now elapsed since the foregoing bio- 
graphical sketches of my dear and honoured husband have 
been written. I have here carefully copied them out, and 
have made some additions to the original, both of letters 
and of what I have thought might serve as illustrations, with 
a view to their preservation in the Loganian Library, a 
circumstance which I very much desire, both from my own 
certainty of the facts which I have related and the earnest 
wish, that I cannot help forming, that however inadequate to 
the task the relator may have proved herself, yet that a 



nnemoir of 2?r. (Bcoroe Xoaan 



knowledge of them by the public may [be] the means of 
securing to his (by me) cherished memory at least some 
portion of "that lasting fame and perpetuity of praise 
which God and good men have consented shall be the re- 
ward of those whose public labours advance the good of 
mankind." 

Recollections written in 1820 and inscribed to my hus- 
band. 

Beings ! who soaring far above 

Beyond this narrow vale of tears, 
Say, if your essences are love, 

If you regard our hopes and fears ; 
Oh say, whence this perpetual strife. 

Whilst years like waves oblivious roll, 
The future veil'd the present life, 
Not worth enjoyment or delight, 

The Past, a treasure to the soul? 

For see how memory decks the scene : 

To me she brings ray cherub Boy, 
And wisdom like a Ray serene 

And soft affections, waken joy; 
The influence radiates o'er my heart. 

My Mother's honoured voice I hear — 
From such illusions can I part 
And stoop to feel the present smart. 

Or drop for this the silent tear? 

However wayward fortune frown, 
Whate'er the fate she weave for me 

Still memory keep thy wonted throne. 
Thy wakenings still my Dreams shall be : 
123 



flllemoir of 2)r. 0coroe Xoaan 



Thy magic wreaths of many a flower 
Faded perchance to other eyes, 

Still bloom for me, and deck a bower 
Sheenie with Iris-coloured dyes. 
And wafting sweets of Paradise. 

For scenes of life's primeval morn 
Dawned like an Eden here below, 

A Brother's love those scenes adorn 
An early Laurel graced his brow : 

Still memory gives th' enchanting sound 
My Lycid's Lyre again I hear, 

Or with him tread o'er Classic ground 
Elate with hope, or pale with fear, 
As erst the mighty masters steer. 

I claim not ought at Beauty's shrine, 
What are her Triumphs now to me? 

Short lived illusions — were you mine. 
Not worth one note of minstrelsy; 

But never from my mind be torn 

Of good and great the cheering gleam. 

High Talents lodged in graceful form 
Such as in Dickinson were seen — 
Wisdom and Eloquence serene. 

The lowliest, loveliest child of spring. 
Whose fragrance scents the vernal gale 

Borne on the fairest Zephyr's wing, 
Is sought for in the humble vale. 

Modest, beneath the verdant shade 
Appears its flowers of royal hue, 

And such an emblem just pourtrayed , 
Pious to God to ffriendship true. 
His Mary's virtues meet my view. 
124 



nnemoir of Dr. 6eorae Xoaan 



But lo ! as in the Enchanter's Glass, 
Rais'd by some potent Fairy's wand, 

What heroic ages seem to pass, 
What wondrous destinies expand ! 

For I have marked an Empire's birth, 
Have seen its Constellation rise 

With radiance glancing o'er the Earth. 
Daring the Sun with steady eyes 
I saw her Eaglet mount the skies. 

And yet what threatning tempest lowered 

How was thy Bark Columbia, driven 
When British wrath arovmd thee pour'd 

Her lurid shafts, like those of Heaven? 
Dread was the storm, the ocean wide. 

The distant Port — ah who could see? 
But He* the Helmsman God supplied, 
Struggling thro' clouds thy Pole star eyed 
And steer' d thee thro' the dangerous tide : 

That leading star was Liberty. 

Oh scorn not ! tho' no minstrel's fire 

Breathes in my dull unlettered lay. 
The heroic muse shall Bards inspire 

To sing the Perils of that day : 
Unarmed, yet strong in freedom, see 

The "Gathering" spread thro'out the land, 
Her Plains, one vast Thermopylae, 

Her People, all a Spartan Band ! 

For these to latest ages borne 

Fame shall delight her Trump to raise. 

For these, the sad lament shall mourn 
Destined to these, the historic Page. 

* Washington. 



APPENDIX II 

Xettcrs from Dr. Xogan to finessrs. fmerlin, Xepeaui, 
an& Scbtmmelpennincft 

[The following letters were written by Dr. Logan to Merlin and Le- 
peaux, members of the Directory, and to Mr. Schimmelpenninck, Batavian 
minister, in regard to the relations between France and the United States, 
just before he embarked on his voyage home.] 

{Dr. Logan to Citizen Merliji.) 

" Bordeaux Sepr gth 1798 

"Respected Citizen, — I embark this day for Philadelphia, and as the 
dispatches entrusted to my care, by the Consul general of the United 
States, manifest the most unequivocal evidence of the desire which the 
Government of France has to preserve peace between the two Republics, 
they will afford sincere pleasure to my fellow Citizens, & I have no doubt 
but that the most effectual measures will be immediately adopted by the 
government of the United States to meet the friendly disposition of your 
Country. 

"My object in coming to France was to state such circumstances to 
Mr Gerry respecting the situation of our Country, as might have induced 
him to conclude a Peace before his return to the United States ; but as 
that object had been frustrated by his departure. I considered it my 
duty as a private Citizen of a free independent Commonwealth, to suggest 
to you as well as to other officers of the french government that it was for 
the honour & interest of France to act with justice & magnanimity 
towards the United States. 

" It is not my business to justify the conduct of the government of my 
own Country, or to accuse that of France. I consider the unhappy diffi- 
culties which have taken place between the two Republics to be attributed 
more to the intrigues of the British Court than to any disposition to injury 
on the part of either People. 

" My Country retains a grateful sense of the eminent services rendered 
by France during our revolutionary war. And that the People of the 

129 



appent)ii 

United States sincerely rejoiced in the french revolution by which the 
rights of Man have been restored to Millions of our fellow creatures has 
been manifested by the animated reception given to Citizen Genet, the 
first ambassador of the Republic to the United States, & by the declara- 
tions which Citizen Monro on his coming to France communicated from 
the President & both houses of Congress. 

"In all points of this great question between the privileged orders & 
Republicanism, the inhabitants of the United States are not united in 
opinion, but this diversity of sentiment produced no bad effects until 
blown into a flame by the intrigues of the British Cabinet. 

"When the Government of England acknowledged the sovereignty of 
the United States, it did not arise from a conviction of the justice of the 
claim of the People of the United States to live under a Government of 
their own choice, but was owing to the deranged situation of her finances,* 
by which she was rendered incapable of continuing the war. This fact 
will be known whenever Temple Franklin publishes the life of Dr. Frank- 
lin, who entrusted him with the publication & who was one of the Com- 
missioners who assisted in making the treaty of peace at the conclusion of 
our revolutionary war. 

" The ambition of Mr Pitt which has engaged him to sacrifice the in- 
terest of all the world to the agrandizement of England, & which ever 
since his being placed at ye head of the administration has also inspired 
him with the desire of reinstating the influence & authority of Britain over 
the Citizens of the United States, which had been lost by the miserable 
contracted policy of his predecessors. Convinced that this object could 
not be obtained by military force, he has had recourse to that base intrigue 
& artifice by which all his measures are so strongly marked. A Man f has 
been sent by him to the United States perfectly qualified to accomplish 
his views : this person has under his direction a Newspaper, published by 
an acknowledged British Subject at the seat of Government. The atroci- 

* Dr. Logan was possessed of some curious information on this subject, derived from 
Dr. Franklin himself, who read the passage in manuscript to him. Whether it is re- 
tained in his works as now about to be given to the public I cannot say, but Dr. Logan 
was of opinion that many things originally contained in the work were suppressed. 

•j- Liston. 

130 



HppenMi 

ties of the French revolution, altho' the authors of them have been pun- 
ished by the Nation, yet they are made use of to wean the affections of 
the American People from France. The violation of our flag, contrary to 
the treaty & the repeated abuses & outrages of Corsairs under the flag of 
the French Republic, are made use of to stigmatize every friend to France, 
& republican principles as an enemy to the United States ; insinuating 
that the Citizens of the United States, who are admirers of the french 
Revolution & the advocates of Republican principles, would sacrifice even 
their own government to that of France, when on the contrary, however 
attached the great body of the Citizens of the United States may be to 
France, they are only so, as far as the Government of France acts with 
justice & consistent with the enlightened principles of her own revolution. 
Should she lose sight of these, & not only continue her depredations on 
our Commerce ; but violate the territory of the United States, every Citi- 
zen of our Country will become her enemy. The same spirit of indepen- 
dence which influenced the Citizens of the United States to oppose the 
armies of Britain in 1775 will engage them at all times to oppose the hos- 
tile attacks of any other Government. 

" France not being a mercantile nation, but more attached to the manly 
pursuit of Agriculture : it is undoubtedly her true interest to place the 
neutral flag on the most respectable footing, by which means a competi- 
tion will take place in her own ports for an exchange of the surplus pro- 
duce of her agriculture & manufactures, for those of foreign Countries, 
highly advantageous to France. No people are so well calculated to as- 
sure these advantages to France, as the Citizens of the United States & 
therefore the Commerce of the United States in a peculiar manner demands 
her protection — Would it not redound to the honour of France, to return 
to the original principle of her revolution respecting the freedom of Com- 
merce ? Would not an act of this kind contribute to bring about & es- 
tablish the new law of Nations respecting neutral Ships ? A violation of 
it by Britain would bring down the resentment of all neutral Powers on 
that Nation. 

' ' Believe me 

" your obliged Friend 

"Geo: Logan" 
131 



HppenMi 

{Dr. Logan to Schimmelpenninck.') 

" BOURDEAUX Sepr 9th 

"Respected Citizen, — I emtark to-morrow for Philadelphia with dis- 
patches for the Government of the United States, which manifest such a 
spirit of accommodation on the part of France as I am confident will be 
the means of restoring harmony between the two Republics. As an in- 
dividual Citizen interested in the happiness of my Country permit me to 
return to you my sincere thanks for the friendly part you have taken in 
promoting this good disposition. 

" In some conversations with you the Constitution of the United States 
appeared to be an object respecting which you were desirous of receiving 
some information. I lament that the shortness of my stay in Paris pre- 
vented me from enjoying more of your interesting company. When we 
might have conversed on this subject as well as others highly interesting 
to the present revolutionary state of Europe. 

"I think the Constitution of the United States defective as it affords 
an opportunity to the President to acquire Legislative influence by the 
numerous ofifices within his gift, which may be made use to corrupt the 
public voice. An Executive Magistrate should be invested with all the 
power of Community to put the laws in prompt & full execution, but 
should never be placed in a situation to influence the conduct of the 
Legislature by the unrestrained use of Public Money, or by a right to 
nominate to lucrative office. — nor in any case should his voice be suffered 
like a Monarch to negative the will of the Legislature. These are evils 
in the Constitution of the United States ; but they may & will be 
altered or removed when the People by a little experience become sen- 
sible of the danger of them. The Form of Government of the United 
States is absolutely permanent on Republican principles ; yet admits of 
great alterations ; the means of obtaining which, is pointed out by the 
Constitution. 

"A Government will be tranquil & happy in the inverse ratio to the 
expense of its administration, and in proportion to the weight & influence 
which individual Citizens may possess in every part of the State. Public 
offices should be considered honourable not lucrative, when the latter takes 

132 



HppenMi 

place it gives occasion to intrigue & cabal among the wealthy for the 
plunder of ye industrious Citizens obtained from them in ye form of taxes 
under pretence of supporting ye Government. And the private municipal 
regulations of the State will be better managed under the direction of the 
Citizens immediately to be effected by their administration, than by the 
general will of the whole government. 

" I feel anxious for the present State of Europe and my own Country. 
Much is to be done by the Philosophers & the real friends to mankind. 
The public mind at no period has had greater occasion for instruction 
than the present moment. 

" Pray remember my best respects to your amiable family & believe 
me. 

" your Friend 

" Geo. Logan. 

" To Citizen Schemmelpenninck 

Charge des Affaires. ' ' 

(^Dr. Logan to Citizen Lepeaux.') 

" BouRDEAux Sepr loth 179S. 

"Respected Citizen, — I lament that my short stay at Paris, prevented 
me from enjoying more of your interesting company. I wished to have 
conversed with you respecting the relative situation of the Sister Repub- 
lics ; and on the present state of France. Respecting the first, I have 
written fully to Citizen Merlin, which Letter I wish you to see. However 
alarming the appearance of actual hostility. If the Government of France 
acts with a magnanimity worthy of its present elevated situation harmony 
will be restored between France, and the United States, greatly to the ad- 
vantage of both Countries ; & the dark schemes of the British Minister 
will be frustrated by the wisdom and sound policy of your Government. 

"The unauthorised severities of interested Corsairs under the french 
flag; & of some of your inferior Courts, have been very prejudicial to 
many of the best friends to France in the United States. Some cases of 
this kind are now in the ports of France. An instance of which may be 
recognised in the case of the Columbus Captain Skinner now at Rochelle. 
It is with pleasure that I hear the Directory are sensible of these evils, and 

^33 



HppenMi 

are about to have them rectified. I wish as a real friend to the Revo- 
lution of France, that the new order of things established by it, may not 
be defaced by the horrid system of Privateering. I believe on strict 
enquiry it will be found, that it has been much more injurious to the 
moral character of individuals than advantageous to the Nation. 

" How far Nations may be destroyed by their own unjust & impolitic 
Laws, deserves the attention of the Philosophic Statesman, who studies 
the human mind, & who is not influenced in his conduct by temporary 
expedients. 

"Sincerely attached to the principles of Republican Government I 
cannot help regarding the progress of them in France with anxiety, 
properly conducted they will eminently contribute to the happiness of her 
Citizens, but much is to be done by the real friends of the Revolution to 
frustrate the dark designs of the disaffected. 

" I admire your plan of affording instruction to the People. I wish 
you may be enabled to carry it into full execution. I find the most desti- 
tute Citizens in the Villages, regret the loss of their Parochial Curves, 
they were certainly the most useful & benevolent part of the Clergy — 
your system will replace their loss. 

" Health & Fraternity 

" Geo. Logan 

" au CiTOYEN J : M : Reveillere Lepeaux 
" du Direcioire Executif a Paris. ^^ 



134 



APPENDIX III 

(Iorre0pon5ence in IRegarb to Jefferson's ©pinions 
Concerning tbe mat of 1I81I2 

(^Thomas Jefferson to George Logan.') 

" MoNTicELLo Oct. 3d 13. 
" Dear Sir, — I have duly received your favor of Sep. 18 and I perceive 
in it the same spirit of Peace, which I know you have ever breathed, and 
to preserve which I know you have made many personal sacrifices, that 
your efforts did much towards preventing declared war with France, I am 
satisfied, of those with England I am not equally informed. I have ever 
cherished the same spirit with all nations from a consciousness that Peace, 
Prosperity, Liberty and Morals have an intimate connection. During the 
eight years of my administration there was not a year that England did 
not give us such cause as would have provoked a war with any European 
government, but I always hoped that time and friendly remonstrances 
would bring her to a sounder view of her own interests, and convince 
her that these would be promoted by a return to Justice and Friendship 
towards us. Continued impressments of our seamen by her naval com- 
manders, whose interest it was to mistake them for theirs, her innovations 
on the law of nations to cover real piracies, could illy be borne; and 
perhaps would not have been borne, had not contraventions of the same 
law by France, fewer in number but equally illegal, rendered it difficult to 
single the object of war. England, at length singled herself and took up 
the gauntlet, when the unlawful decrees of France being revoked as to us, 
she by the Proclaimation of her Prince-Regent, protested to the world that 
she would never revoke hers, untill those of France should be removed as to 
all nations. Her minister too, about the same time, in an official conver- 
sation with our Charg6, rejected our substitute for her practice of impress- 
ment ; proposed no other ; and declared explicitly that no admissible one 
could be proposed. Negotiation being thus cut short, no alternative re- 

13s 



appent)ii 

mained but war, or the abandonment of the persons and property of our 
Citizens on the ocean, the last one I presume no American would have 
preferred. War was therefore declared and justly declared ; but accom- 
panied with immediate offers of Peace on simply doing us justice, these 
offers were made thro' Russel, thro' Admiral Warren, and thro' the gov- 
ernment of Canada, and the mediation proposed by her best friend Alex- 
ander, and the greatest enemy of Bonaparte, was accepted without hesi- 
tation. An entire confidence in the abilities and integrity of those now 
administering the government, has kept me from the inclination as well as 
the occasion, of intermedling in the public affairs, even as a private citi- 
zen may justly do. Yet if you can suggest any conditions which we 
ought to accept, and which have not been repeatedly offered and rejected, 
1 would not hesitate to become the channel of their communication to the 
administration. The revocation of the Orders of Council, and discon- 
tinuance of impressment appear to me indispensable, and I think a thou- 
sand ships taken unjustifiably in a time of peace, and thousands of our 
Citizens impressed, warrant expectations of indemnification ; such a west- 
ern frontier perhaps given to Canada as may put it out of their power 
hereafter to employ the tomahawk and scalping knife of the Indians on 
our women and children ; or what would be nearly equivalent, the ex- 
clusive right to the lakes. The modification however of this indemnifica- 
tion must be affected by the events of the war. No man on earth has a 
stronger detestation than myself of the unprincipled tyrant who is del- 
uging the continent of Europe with blood. No one was more gratified 
by his disasters of the last campaign ; nor wished, more sincerely, success 
to the efforts of the virtuous Alexander, but the desire of seeing England 
forced to just terms of peace with us, makes me equally solicitous for her 
entire exclusion from intercourse with the rest of the world. Until, by 
this peaceable engine of constraint, she can be made to renounce her 
views of dominion over the Ocean, of permitting no other nation to navi- 
gate it, but with her license, and on tribute to her ; and her aggressions on 
the persons of our citizens who may chuse to exercise their right of pass- 
ing over that element. Should the continent at armistice issue in closing 
Europe against her, she may become willing to accede to just terms with 
us ; which I should certainly be disposed to meet, whatever consequences 

136 



HppenMi 

it might produce on our intercourse with the continental nations. My 
principle is to do whatever is right, and leave consequences to him who 
has the disposal of them. I repeat therefore that if you can suggest what 
may lead to a just peace, I will willingly communicate it to the proper 
functionaries, in the mean time its objects will be but promoted by a vig- 
orous and unanimous prosecution of the war. 

" I am happy in this occasion of renewing the interchange of senti- 
ments between us, which has formerly been a source of much satisfaction 
to me ; and with the homage of my affectionate attachment and Respect 
to Mrs. Logan, I pray you to accept assurances of my continued Friend- 
ship and esteem for yourself, 

" Th : Jefferson." 

(^Dr. Logan to Thomas Jefferson.') 

Stenton, Deer, gth 1813. 

"Dear Sir, — Accept my thanks for your late friendly and interesting 
Letter. Your approbation of my visit to France in 1798 is highly satis- 
factory. Influenced by similar motives, I visited England in 1810. To 
a person so thoroughly acquainted with the spirit of the constitution of 
the United States as you are, it is not necessary for me to say any thing 
in Justification of the acts of any private Citizen to promote the pros- 
perity and happiness of his Country. 

" During a residence of five months in England, I travelled one thou- 
sand miles thro' that country ; I visited the principal commercial and 
manufacturing cities, and became acquainted with the agricultural in- 
terest — I had a fair opportunity of ascertaining the sentiments of men 
in every situation of life, respecting the unhappy contest between the 
United States and Great Britain. I found a general anxiety prevail, 
that harmony and peace should be restored, equally beneficial to both 
countries. 

"An erronious opinion is entertained by some few men in the United 
States of the decline and fall of the British Empire. That Country at no 
period of its history was more powerful, free, and respectable than at this 
moment. The successful stand she has made against the Tyrant of 
Europe, has occasioned the Continental powers to regard her with venera- 
tion. 

10 137 



1 



HppenMi 

" Knowing (as they must know) that the Hberty and weal of their 
country depends on the correct habits and information of the people ; 
The Princes, Nobility and patriotic Citizens of every religious and politi- 
cal opinion, are uniting in distinct societies for the purpose of educating, 
and by a general distribution of the holy scriptures giving moral instruc- 
tion to the destitute part of the community. This is the most honourable 
and beneficial measure ever adopted by the Citizens of that nation, and 
will secure its liberty and prosperity. 

"The sordid views of British merchants, under the falacious name of 
British Interest, has less influence over the Cabinet of St. James than 
formerly. The landed agricultural interest is becoming more powerful — 
It is a great but quiescent interest, on whose collective knowledge and 
integrity, the freedom and fate of that country depends. Such is the 
present favourable aspect of the British nation — the Reverse is — First, 
The immense issue and circulation of Bank notes, beyond their intrinsic 
value. 

"2d. The extent of her manufacturing system has in an alarming 
degree, increased mendicity in her manufacturing towns : and has brutal 
ized the manufacturing population — particularly since the introduction of 
machinery. Children from the tenderest infancy, as soon as their fingers 
are capable of twisting a thread, or feeding a carding machine : are by 
the misery or cupidity of their parents immured in great manufacturing 
establishments, without the benefit of education or moral instruction — 
However monstrous this is, it is not the only evil. The working manu- 
facturers are united into Jacobinical clubs against their employers, and in 
opposition to the laws of the land ; frequently occasioning such tumults 
as to render a military force necessary to suppress them. An ignorant 
debauched population is the most unstable support upon which a Govern- 
ment can depend. The strength of a nation is in the moral character of 
its people; when that principle is debilitated the country is fast ap- 
proaching to ruin. 

"3d. The extent of her Colonial establishments is contemplated with 
anxiety by the best Patriots in Great Britain — not only on account of the 
immense taxes necessary to support and protect them, but as a great 
political evil. Those distant colonies affording lucrative offices to be 

138 



appenMi 

bestowed on the creatures of the minister for the purpose of creating a 
parliamentary influence, repugnant to the spirit of the British constitu- 
tion. 

"Notwithstanding these evils, — the miserable, contracted, and unjust 
Policy towards Ireland, and the deprivations of the People of many of 
the comforts of life, owing to enormous taxes to support an annual ex- 
penditure of more than one hundred millions sterling, yet the energies 
of the nation appear to increase in proportion to the difficulties with 
which she has to encounter, and her resources are still unquestionably 
great. 

" The Orders in Council of the British Cabinet as a measure of retalli- 
ation on France for her Berlin and Milan Decrees, is the strongest evi- 
dence of the want of foresight and political wisdom in her Councils. 
Had the British Government instead of uniting with the Tyrant of 
Europe, to annihilate the commerce of neutral nations, indignantly pro- 
tested against the decrees of France as a violation of the laws of nations ; 
and declared herself the Friend and Protector of neutral Rights, she 
would by such an act of magnanimity, have united every neutral in her 
interest. In my conversation with members of the British Government, 
I urged this measure, as founded on principles of the soundest policy, 
and in my Letter to Mr Percival I observe ' The bickerings and semi state 
of Warfare, which has existed for several years between our nations have 
been viewed with deep affliction by the best men in both countries — 
Since my arrival in England I have had oppertunities of conversing with 
many of your most eminent characters, as well as with respectable men in 
every situation in life. I have not met with one person who does not 
wish a reconcilliation with the United States. My public and private 
situation in my own country, afforded me an opportunity of becoming 
fully acquainted with the sentiments of my fellow Citizens — I know they 
anxiously desire to preserve peace with Great Britain. And as a mani- 
festation of their sincerity, they have renewed their commerce with this 
country ; and have removed every obstacle to an amicable negotiation — 
Let Great Britain with the same laudable intent, remove her Orders in 
Council — Let her declare herself the advocate of Neutral Rights, such as 
she claimed for herself and conceded to others, before she adopted the 

139 



Hppen^iI 

execrable commercial warfare of the Tyrant of Europe — A system of 
Warfare which will be depicted by the faithful Pen of the Historian, in 
the blackest colours — a warfare by "Decrees, and Orders in Council," 
dastardly attacking, the humble Cottage — the Comforts — the subsistance 
of unoffending women and children, instead of meeting in an open and 
honourable conflict the armed Battalions of your enemy in the field. Let 
her return to the safe and honourable course of public law, which she has 
abandoned, and treat with the United States on terms of reciprocity, 
equally honourable and beneficial to both countries. A Treaty of Peace 
between the two nations, founded on such principles, will concilliate the 
Citizens of the United States and they will consider Great Britain as their 
real Friend. 

" ' My dear Sir, for Heaven's sake pause — and from the elevated situa- 
tion on which your Sovereign has placed you, contemplate agonising 
nations at the feet of a Military Despot ; and say, if it is not necessary, 
that Great Britain and the United States, at this momentous crisis of the 
world, should lay aside unfounded Jealousies, and mutual bickerings, not 
only to protect their own existance as independant nations but to pre- 
serve the civil and political liberties of mankind. I may appeal to your 
own superior information and understanding. If you are acquainted with 
any truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the affairs 
of Nations, an indissoluble union between the generous maxims of an 
honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity 
and happiness.' 

"This nefarious and profligate system of the Orders in Council as con- 
nected with the licence trade, must however be attributed to the Min- 
ister, not to the nation. In the first enactment of these Orders, the 
measure was opposed by many of the best informed men in and out of 
Parliament ; and when I was in London in 1810, I did not meet with one 
man, even among the Friends of the Minister, who could defend the Act 
on principles of Justice and sound policy — in fact, such was the clamour 
against the Minister on account of the orders in Council, that himself 
contemplated ha\-ing them, revoked before the meeting of Parliament. 
And that such was actually his intention is confirmed by the last Letter of 
Mr Foster to Mr Monroe previous to our unfortunate declaration of war, 

140 



Hppenbii 

in which he observes, ' It was France and afterwards America that con- 
nected the question relative to the Right of blockade with that arising 
out of the Orders in Council. Van well know, that if these two questions 
had not been connected together the Orders in Council would have been 
in iSio revoked.' Unfortunately for the Peace of our country, not 
content with the revocation of the Orders in Council as dictated by the 
law of Congress of May 1810 Mr Pinkney in his letter to Lord Welles- 
ley of Sepr 21 1 810 demands a Repeal not only of the Blockade from 
Elbe to Brest, but of those of Zealand, and of the Isles of Mauritius and 
Bourbon, and in his letter of January 14th 1811 to the Same Minister, he 
speaks also of other blockades, (including that of the Island of Zealand) 
which the United States expected to see Recalled, besides the blockade of 
May. In this Letter he suggests an idea, directly calculated, and per- 
haps designed to allarm the British Ministry, as to the ulterior views of 
our Government, on the subject of Blockade in general, and to discourage 
them from a compliance with our demands concerning the blockade of 
May. He observes, ' It is by no means clear, that it may not be fairly 
contended that a maratime blockade is incomplete with regard to States 
at peace, unless the Place which it would affect, is invested by land as 
well as by sea.' Apprehensive that some shuffling conduct of this kind 
would be the result of an official communication with Mr Pinkney, I 
urged in my letter to Sir John Sinclair, and to other gentlemen in London 
with whom I conversed ; that the King & Council should voluntarily, and 
immediately remove, or suspend the Orders in Council, not only as an 
act of Justice to the United States, but as a measure of sound Policy with 
regard to the British nation ; as tending to silence the Jealous, and 
strengthen the well disposed real American Citizens in the United 
States. 

"When I contemplate the Jealousies, and mutual acts of irritation, 
which for some years have taken place between the LTnited States and 
Great Britain, and which have finally terminated in a war equally injuri- 
ous to both nations : I consider both in the wrong. 

" A genuine history of the Errors and Follies of the American and 
British Cabinets towards each other, would form an important and in- 
structive work. Governments would discover, that cupidity, cunning, 

141 



appen&ii 

and vindictive retalliation, have always been attended by the most per- 
nicious effects. Let those Statesmen who have conceived such notions of 
governing, go to the School of common sense, and abandoning the odious 
maxims of Machiavelian politics, take as their guide the pure and open 
principles of Him who preached the Doctrine of Peace and Good Will 
towards man. To be sensible of misconduct is the first step towards 
amendment : but this will be looked for in vain, from men despising the 
admonitions of experience, and who appear ignorant that the strongest 
evidence of a magnanimous mind is, the acknowledgment of error. 

" The Present is an aweful Period : — the Judgments of the Almighty are 
abroad on the earth, to recall its thoughtless inhabitants to a sense of 
their duty, whoever has marked the progress and seriously reflected on 
the consequences of the events which have convulsed every part of 
Europe, must be blinded with more than common scepticism to doubt 
this truth. The miseries under which the European world is groaning 
have been but partially extended to the United States — Let us hope 
therefore that we shall be wise before it is too late, and that our councils 
may be guided by prudence, and their decrees founded in justice — Let 
the present calamities we experience, and the blot which this miserable 
war has thrown athwart our prospects, induce the President to use his 
best efforts to restore peace to our country. Should he continue the un- 
necessary war in which we are engaged, even to the conquest of Canada 
from the British, and Florida from Spain, at the expence of millions of 
money, and the loss of thousands of our fellow Citizens, will such evils 
be balanced by the acquisition of new territories, the possession of which 
will remain as baneful monuments of our ambition and injustice :. and 
will cherish and keep alive those seeds of envy, hatred and distrust which 
sooner or later will produce the same miseries with which the United 
States are now impeded. 

" It may be generally observed that the larger the extent of Republics, 
the more they have been subjected to Revolutions and misfortunes. 
Already the Citizens of the United States inhabiting the Southern and 
Northern portions of the Republic, regard each other with jealousy and 
suspicion. What then of Concord, can be expected in our Councils 
from the heterogenous population of Canada & Florida ? On this ac- 

142 



HppenMr 

count I am not afraid to say, that in the present situation of the United 
States, it is almost equally unhappy for its Government to succeed, or 
miscarry in its enterprises of Conquest. The tranquillity of our Repub- 
lican government depends upon preserving it within its present limits. 
We enjoy every advantage of extent of territory, climate and soil to 
make us completely independent and happy, therefore the true Interest of 
the United States is, to render its own interior condition such as may 
make it not only independent of, but respected by other nations ; This is 
only difficult to Statesmen, who can conceive no other method to effect 
it, than war and violence — methods that ought never to be pursued, with- 
out the most absolute necessity. 

" In your Friendly Letter, you observe, ' I repeat therefore that if you 
can suggest what may lead to a just peace, I will willingly communicate 
it to the proper functionaries.' Let the Government of the United 
States adopt a candid and just as well as magnanimous conduct to allay 
the storm which its own imprudence in hastily declaring war has occa- 
sioned. Let the President immediately propose an armistice, as a pre- 
lude to Negotiation. Let him nominate three Citizens of honourable 
minds, unbiased by personal or party feelings, as Commissioners to re- 
store peace and harmony between the two Governments. I am perfectly 
satisfied from personal communications with many of the most respect- 
able, and best informed men in England, that if such a measure is 
adopted. Peace will be obtained, honourable and beneficial to all parties. 
The rashness of the United States has silenced our friends in Great 
Britain — but has not destroyed them — They will again appear to support 
our just claims consistent with the honour and vital interest of that 
nation. 

"Whatever may be the corruption of the British parliament, or the 
influence of the Crown, the weight of public opinion is Friendly to the 
United States, and that opinion when steadily, firmly, and temperately 
sustained, ultimately prevails over the projects of the most obstinate 
and conceited Minister. I wish the President to act like an able States- 
man, whose views are not confined within the narrow circle of those 
short sighted politicians by whom he is surrounded Let him employ his 
influence and power to restore the blessings of Peace to our distracted 

M3 



HppenMi 

country. No other enterprise can be to him so truly honourable and 
successful. 

" Some of my observations may appear to you severe — but those are 
the best Friends to their Country, who have firmness of mind to point 
out errors, when there is a possibility of their being removed. 
" Accept assurances 

" of my Friend-ship 

" Geo : Logan. 
"Thomas Jefferson Esqr." 



144 



APPENDIX IV 
Zbc Xetters of 5obn H)icft(nson 

The personal relations between Dr. Logan and Mr. Dickinson were 
very close and intimate, and their political opinions were evidently 
formed on the same model. While Dr. Logan was a Senator of the 
United States he was in the habit of submitting every measure of impor- 
tance which came before that body to the judgment of Mr. Dickinson. 
The letters which follow are valuable as indicating Mr. Dickinson's views 
upon many questions of historical importance, and they acquire a special 
interest from the evident eagerness of Dr. Logan to be instructed by the 
wise, enlightened patriotism of such a man as John Dickinson. They 
seem to form part of the political education of Dr. Logan, and are given 
here with a view of illustrating that subject. 

{^From John Dickinson, Esq., to Dr. George Logan.) 

" Wilmington the 19th of the 12th mo 1801 

"My dear Kinsman, — Thy several letters with their inclosures are re- 
ceived, and I am much obliged by thy kind attentions. 

"At last I have the high satisfaction of congratulating thee on thy 
Election by the legislature of Pennsylvania, and in so honourable manner. 

"Almost at the same instant that I received thy pleasing intelligence, 
thy letter arrived announcing the Election of General Sumter as Senator 
from South Carolina. 

"It would be difficult to describe the sensations which the two joyful 
concurrent events produced in my mind. 

" I have not the desired pleasure of knowing the General, but his 
eminently gallant services during the revolutionary War, and his excel- 
lent speech in Congress in 1798 in favour of militia, have filled my mind 
with exceedingly great esteem for him. 

"I hope and trust, that there is such a collection of sound heads and 
good hearts in those to whom the ' ardua negotia' of our country are now 

145 



HppenMi 

committed, that their proceedings will be reputable to themselves and 
beneficial to their fellow citizens. There is nothing to be apprehended 
but from too much ardour and too much haste. " 

{From John Dickinson, Esq., to Dr. George Logan.) 

" My DEAR Kinsman, — I have received three letters from thee with 
inclosures, for which I am much obliged to thee. 

" Our sentiments entirely agree on the subjects mentioned. 

" Long since I communicated to the President my ideas, respecting the 
cultivation of a most Friendly connection with Russia as well as with the 
other Northern powers. 

"As to that panacea for all political evils, an effectual militia, I cannot 
say anything stronger than those Reflections that have been already 
published. 

" The expressions — ' high degree of Security — weakness, Jealousy, Con- 
fusion, Misfortune attendant &c' excite alarm. 

" If the circumstances thus alluded to, are to prevent our becoming an 
Armed Nation, We had better break up our constitutional compact and 
acknowledge to the world, that we want wisdom and virtue enough to 
continue a free people. 

" I am now past seventy, so that I may expect in a short time to be re- 
moved from the scenes that are to take place on this Globe : — but, I have 
Relations and Friends, that bind Me to it by the Tenderest Strongest ties. 

"All these, in defiance of every danger apprehended from 'Jealousy' 
and suspicion of every kind, I would cheerfully commit for their safety — 
to Me an object of unutterable value — to a well prepared militia.* 

" The propriety of keeping up a small army is denied by none. As to 
that nation so loved by thee and myself, they seem to have given them- 
selves up with a wild infatuation to be the Tools of inordinate ambition in 
their present Leader— Esteemed People ! Thy Blood and the earnings of 
thy honest Labours are again to be poured out, that thy unfeeling masters 
may revel in Pride and voluptuousness. 

* " After having seen what the Militia of a free Country, when aroused in its defence 
can accomplish,! shall never dread an invasion when I see our own in arms." — General 
Burgoyne in the House of Commons. 

146 



HppcnMi 

" I do not recollect any late event that gives me so much pleasure as 
the diplomatic appointment of that great and good man Monroe, tho' I 
am not personally acquainted with him. Thou knows how well disposed 
I have always been towards aliens emigrating to this country ; but, I must 
confess, that the present application hurts Me. 

" Five years form a period short enough, in general, for establishing a 

due attachment to the Interests of these States. 

" I am thy truly affectionate Cousin 

"John Dickinson. 
" Wilmington 

" the nth of the 2d month 1803." 

{Letter of Mr. Dickinson. ) 
[Without a date, but supposed to have been written in 1S04.] 

"Would it not be reasonable, and very advantageous to the United 
States to retain, at least during the present war, larger sums than they 
now do, on the amount of the Drawback on all goods exported ? 

"Are there not among us great Numbers of European Merchants, who 
avail themselves of the Benefit of our Neutrality without rendering due 
compensation for the same to these States ? 

" Ought not these compensations to be made? 

" Does not a vast Mass of property continually travel in this manner, to 
and from Europe and these States, and between these states, and the East 
Indias ? Is not a prodigious portion of this Commerce carried on by 
European Merchants, with very little actual change of property ? 

"Would not the Reservation of larger sums as above mentioned, be 
equitable with respect to real Citizens of these States, especially consid- 
ering what large profits are thrown into their Hands by the position of 
Neutrallity which this Country has taken, and how superior those advan- 
tages thus vested in them are, to any in which their fellow Citizens par- 
ticipate? 

" If the inclosed observations are approved by thee, I wish them to be 
communicated to the Secretary of the Treasury, or so diposed of by thee 
as shall be judged most proper. 

" I am thy affectionate Cousin." 
147 



HppenMi 



{From the same to the saute.') 

" My DEAR Kinsman, — I am much obliged to thee for thy Letter of 
the 26th of last month, and the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury. 

" I contemplate with delight the Regularity, the consistancy, and the 
power, with which our affairs seem to be advancing towards a well 
ordered and firmly established commonwealth, and with gratitude the 
exertions of Virtues and Talents from which under Providence so many 
benefits have been and are likely to be derived. How much public and 
private happiness does such a combination of excellent qualities, embrace 
and cherish ! I have used the words ' seem to be' and ' likely' because in 
my opinion founded on the History of Mankind in all ages and all 
countries, a free people cannot preserve their Liberty unless they are an 
armed People ; and when I consider the present and probable state of our 
Militia, a thick gloom spreads over my mind. If we continue so inactive 
as we now are, to this Paladium of our Rights and Interests, and so en- 
chanted with the delusions of ease and money, the time will come — 

' How my Heart trembles while my Tongue relates,' 

when our temporary defence will depend on a standing army, which 
finally will be the death of Freedom. Then the dreadful truth will be 
acknowledged by our betrayed posterity — that a Jefferson, a Madison, 
and a Gallatin, have lived and laboured in vain. 

" My Principles, I hope are recollected. — With all my abhorrence for 
War, I hold it to be guilt of the deepest dye not to defend to the 
' ultima conata' the Blessings which our adorable Creator has bestowed 
upon us. It is part of a Freeman's Religion. 

" . . . I am glad to hear of his studies. I hope he will aspire to the 
best and greatest things. Such a Resolution strengthens the Mind, and 
in a manner insures success. ' I call that' says Milton ' a complete and 
generous education, which fits a man to perform justly, skilfully, and 
magnanimously, all the offices, both public and private, of Peace and 
War.' 

" Attending to the formation of such a character, I would recommend 



appen^(I 

to every young gentleman an intimate acquaintance with these Books — 
Locke's Works, Tillotson's Sermons, Isaac Barrow's Treatises, Burnet's 
History of the Reformation and of his own Time, Paley's Natural Theol- 
ogy, Evidences of the Christian Religion and Moral Philosophy — Tally's 
Offices — Grotious de Veritate — Rapin's History of England and Tindal's 
continuation, to these should be added Milton's Poems, and a course of 
experimental Philosophy. 

"With the warmest wishes for the happiness of thyself and those who 
are justly precious to thee, I am 

" thy affectionate cousin 

"John Dickinson 
" Wilmington the 

" 13th of the I2th mo 1804." 

{From the same to the same.') 

"My dear Kinsman, — It appears to me from the 4th and 6th articles 
of our federal Constitution, and from a combination of relative cir- 
cumstances, that Louisiana may be admitted into the Union as a State 
without an Amendment of the Constitution, and without receiving the 
Consent of the individual States, originally forming the compact. 

"But I trust in the wisdom and firmness of Congress, that in the 
exertion of this power, it will not be hurried or Driven into any meas- 
ures, which it would not have deliberately and calmly adopted, if it had 
not been threatened. 

"My opinion is desired on the other question. 

"If Congress has not 'a power to prevent the sailing of private armed 
ships out of the ports of the United States,' I don't see how it can have a 
power to prevent ' Piracies' which the Constitution gives it ' power to de- 
fine and punish.' To what consequences does an opposite Doctrine 
lead ? To sacrifice our Peace to the inordinate love of Money in some 
individuals ; and what is much worse, to dishonour our character in the 
estimation of other nations. 

"I am sensible of my own weakness and want of information, and 
therefore wh ;n I differ from Congressional proceedings, to which so many 
Virtues and Talents have been parties, My Dissent is mingled with 
respect. 

149 



HppenMi 

"But how shall I express the conflict in my mind between that Dissent 
and that Respect, when I think that venerable Body adopts a conduct 
highly disgraceful to our Country ? 

" What is the true meaning of Congress as to the Trade complain'd of? 
Is it intended to put a stop to it? No — It is profitable to some indi- 
viduals. Is it admitted that the Trade is contrary to the Law of Nations ? 
No — for then to be sure, we must forbid it. Is it acknowledged that the 
Revolters against France are an Independant People ? No — not in words, 
but in Fact we will deal with them as such. Does not this Trade furnish 
them with the Means of resisting France ? Yes. If the Blacks of Jamaica 
or any other Island, should renounce obedience to the Government of the 
Island, and seize strong grounds would not the citizens of these States be 
as Justifiable in supplying them with arms, ammunition &c as in supplying 
the Revolters against France with these Articles? To be sure. Will 
Congress make such a Declaration ? No : But they will assume it as a 
Principle of conduct for their country. 

" Let us candidly enquire, if there is not an appearance of Duplicity in 
the proceedings of Congress on this subject. The language of their Acts 
ought to be clear, so that there may be no ambiguity : that, in the present 
Instance, under a thin outside of provisions is concealed an actual arma- 
ment of her Enemies against France. To conclude this disagreeable 
Tragicomedy of errors, let it only be added, that the ' Clearance Bill' is 
a real sanction of the Trade in its worst aspects — Forms only being 
observed. 

" As to the Judge, however I may have been hurt by his Behaviour on 
the Bench, I cannot decide on his guilt, untill all the Evidence shall 
appear. 
" Wilmington the 23d of the First month 1805." 

(^Extracts of Letters of the jth and nth of February, 180J. ) 
" I am very glad that in my late letter to thee, before I knew of the 
Documents that had been presented to our Government, I expressed 
myself so fully and earnestly respecting our behaviour as a neutral nation. 
Do let us speak the language of candid men, and act as a People who 
believe that ' Honesty is the best Policy.' 

'5° 



HppcnMi 

"It is too much, that the dignity, the Peace, the Prosperity of these 
States should be sacrificed to the cupidity of Individuals. 

"We shall be justly scorned by mankind, if we persevere any longer 
in Duplicity of conduct. We have worn the Mask too long. The Busi- 
ness is before the Senate and I rely on their Integrity, Wisdom and Patri- 
otism to vindicate the cause of our country. 

"I rejoice to hear of the safe arrival of the young folks, after the 
alarming adventure at Principio Creek. Ought not the Post Roads to be 
made less dangerous than they now are ? 

" I thank thee for thy Letter of the 7th and the Packets. 

"As the Historian has engaged in his Letter to thee to 'render me 
the Justice to which I am entitled' Respect for his character demands my 
Reliance on his Honour for the performance of his Promise. 

' ' The Mode of proceeding as to the Trade complained of, ought 
undoubtedly to be clear and decisive. The President's message certainly 
intended such a mode ; and the Legislature ought to act up to his fair and 
just Ideas. I want words to express my feelings on the conduct of others 
in departing from them. 

" The Trade ought according to thy Plan to be utterly prohibited 
under heavy Penalties, to any part of the Island held by the Blacks who 
have Revolted from France. Our Measures seem to be calculated for 
rendering us detestable to the French and despicable to other nations. 

" Must the Happiness of these States be surrendered to the rapacious 
discretion of one class of Citizens ? Some Hope yet remains of better 
Things." 

(^-Frotn the same.) 

" My dear Kinsman, — I am much obliged to thee for thy Letter of 
the thirteenth Instant. The disposition of the Chief Justice is such as I 
expected from him ; and I trust the error will be rectified in such a 
manner that the correction will accompany it by being inserted in the 
Work. 

" From some words in thy letter^I apprehend that one of mine has mis- 
carried. In that I expressed my wish that all trade with the revolted 
Blacks might be prohibited. 

" I observe in the Papers a Statement made to which I do not accede. 
151 



HppenMi 

It is therein supposed, that the Blacks are an independent, belligerent 
power, and that we have a Right to supply them with any article not 
being contraband. 

" Considering the Title of France to the Island, our past and present 
Relations to her, and a variety of other highly important circumstances, 
this assertion seems to me to be dictated by the eagerness of a commercial 
Spirit degenerating into an all-confounding Rapacity. View the position 
in all its bearings and then be pleased to consider to what deductions, 
and to what outrages. Injuries and sufferings it will lead, and how much 
our Reputation must be affected. 

" If our Counsels are to be warped from a Strait Course by the 
violence of peculation, we are a lost people. 

" I am thy very affectionate Cousin, 

"John Dickinson 

" Wilmington, i8th of the 2d mo 1805." 

(^Extract of a Letter of the 6th of the Eighth Month, iSoj.) 

"All circumstances here and in Europe point out the conduct, we 
ought at present to observe. Time and a more correct estimate of 
Interest as well as of character, will produce the Justice we are bound to 
expect. 

" I should therefore wish that our President might be requested by the 
Senate to continue his negotiations with Spain, for the purpose of termi- 
nating, if possible, the differances between us and her in an amicable 

manner." 

"Wilmington, 19th 12th mo 1805. 

" Mv DEAR Kinsman, — I have read the Message again and again, and 
the more I study it the less I like the most important sections of it. 
Perhaps future communications may throw light on the dark parts. At 
present they are obscured by a very portentous Gloom. Particulars are 
not brought into view ; but they must be outrageous indeed to correspond 
with the Language that has been used in referring to them. Surely, we 
are not to be plunged into a war, on account of such characters as the 
Kempfers. 

"The Idea that occurs to me is this — that our Government has com- 
152 



HppenMr 

mitted momentuous Errors in the Negotiation with Spain, which cannot 
well be retracted, and now endeavour to cover them by an excitement of 
national passion. I have not the least doubt, but that we have im- 
properly alarmed and provoked her. 

"The Western Limits of Louisiana have never been ascertained by 
any Treaties, antient maps, or Documents, that have come to my hands : 
yet, — I have reason to believe, that our late claims extend to the Rio 
Brave, otherwise called the River of the North. 

"Then again to the North Westward, our claims as far as I am in- 
formed, are founded on Arbitary Inferences from equivocal Premises — 
Whether Becoming a great, just, and generous Nation, I trust, will be 
most solemnly considered. 

" Perhaps, without deciding on the property of that vast Country, or 
even in allowing the property of the greater part of it to be in Spain, the 
only Benefit that for ages can be derived from it, that is a Right of 
trading with the Indian Tribes that inhabit it, might be secured to these 
states. 

"As to our Eastern boundary, if it cannot be now finally established, 
it seems to me, that at least a Convention might be made for quieting the 
possessions of both parties, untill it can be established. This measure 
has frequently been adopted by nations differing about their boundaries. 

" Devoted as I am to the Executive, it is painful to Me to feel myself 
compelled to think as I do, on the present State of our affairs. 

"To rush into war at this time for Wildernesses beyond the River 
Mexicano, or on the remote waters of the Missouri, would be, in my 
opinion, madness. We want them not. We can hereafter have as much 
Territory as we ought to desire. Nothing is so likely to prevent such 
acquisitions as the seeking them too eagerly, unreasonably, and con- 
temptuously. In the natural course of things, we shall, if wise gradually 
become irresistable, and the people will rise into our population. Let us 
patiently wait for this inevitable Progression ; and not deprive ourselves 
of the golden Eggs that will be laid for us, by destroying in a con- 
temptuous and cruel Frenzy the Bird, that if left to itself will from Day 
to Day supply them. 

" If thy sentiment on this subject accords with mine, let me most 
II 153 



appcn^iI 

ardently entreat thee to make the strongest and most incessant exertions, 
to bring over others to approve and act upon them. Not a moment is to 
be lost. 

"I have been looking over some parts of Fabius's Letters, in which a 
just value for the Blessings of Peace is contrasted with the blind Rage for 
War, and the superior advantage of Negotiation over Arms is stated, and 
if the Republication of them at this period, appears to thee as seasonable 
as they do to me, I shall be exceedingly obliged to thee for having these 
portions published again in some newspaper at Washington. Vol. 2d p. 
271. from these words ' It is a mournful but" &c. to the end of page 272 
— and then Letter 15th from its beginning page 273, to these words in 
page 280, ' or any other had." 

"Before I close this Letter, I must recall thy attention to the impolitic 
and dishonourable Trade to St Domingo. Renew, I beseech thee, in due 
season, thy motion to prohibit that Trade entirely. Our Rapacity in that 
Respect, and our ambition in acquiring Territory, will destroy our Peace, 
our wellfare, our Reputation. 

"Let us never forget how Essential a character for Moderation is to the 

Happiness of a Republic, nor the dreadful Comment made upon it by the 

league of Cambray. 

' ' I am very truly &c &c. 

" John Dickinson. 

" Thy second Letter with the Documents is received. Is my late Letter 

to thee received ?' ' * 

{From the sanie to the same.) 

"Wilmington, the ist ist mo 1806. 

" Mv DEAR Kinsman, — I thank thee for the Report of the Secretary of 
the Treasury, and for thy Letter of the 26th of last month. Nothing 
that has occurred has surprised me. Long since I perceived symptoms of 
Errors tending to confusion. 

" Let us still Hope. 

" I wish the Author (Chief Justice Marshall) to be informed that I am 
very sensible of the candour, with which he has been pleased to rectify 
the Note in the second volume of his work. 

* This letter does not appear. 



appcnbix 

" What I thought were Errors in General Washingtons Conduct as a 
Commander and as a Statesman, I never imputed to a want of abilities, 
but for want of that Information which a more extensive acquaintance 
with History would have afforded. 

" However, I always considered him as a truly great and good man. 

" His Honesty and Firmness throughout our severe Contest, establish 
his Character in a most endearing Light. 

" I had a strong conviction of the Difficulties he had to encounter ; 
but, yet I had not such a knowledge of his Merits in the services he ren- 
dered to his country, as I have had since. I read the second volume of 
the History now publishing. His Memory must be affectionately cher- 
ished by every true American, by every Friend to Liberty. 

"Among the Elegancies of Grecian Literature, their funeral Inscrip- 
tions were remarkable for Brevity, Simplicity and Tenderness of sen- 
timent. 

" .\s a sample, I will only refer to the Inscription on the Monument 
erected to the Spartans who fell at Thermopylae — ' Traveller ! Tell at 
Sparta, that we lye here in Obedience to her Laws.' 

"Animated by the subject, I endeavoured to imitate such compositions 
in the following Lines — 

" Stay Passenger ! The Dust that rests below 
Was once named Washington. Reflect, now — go /" 

" Wilmington 30th of the ist month i8o6. 

"My dear Kinsman, — I thank thee for thy Letter of the 25th the In- 
closures, and the Pamphlet, and shall be obliged to thee for presenting 
my thanks to the Vice President. 

" I have great Reliance on the Prudence and Justice of Congress. 

" It would pierce my heart with grief, if we should give other nations 
any cause to believe us a rapacious captious People. 

" Several things have hurt my mind : But our country has not yet de- 
cided. Of this important point we may be assured, that France is bound 
by Treaties, to guarantee the Possession and claims of Spain. 

" C/ear ajid straight as is the path pointed out to us by Policy and 
honour, yet when I consider our Conduct respecting the infamous San 

155 



HppcnMx 

Domingo Trade, I tremble. I rejoice that the advocates for thy Bill are 
increasing. Among the arguments of its opposers, I could not forbear 
smiling at the acuteness which discovered how pitiably ignorant the 
French are of their own Interests, for that it was really for their benefit 
that we should supply the Blacks with Powder and Ball to knock them on 
the Head. How sophisticated are the Doctrines of Vice ! How simple 
the Precepts of Truth ! 

" Permit me to call thy attention to the Militia Bill. Some Friends 
here are apprehensive, that it may in its present form bear hard upon their 
society. 

" Thou knows, how Strong is the obligation to preserve from all 

needless suffering, such a respectable, peaceable and useful class of 

Citizens. 

" I am thy truly affectionate Cousin, 

" John Dickinson. 
" George Logan 

" Senator in Congress. ' ' 

(^Another letter of nearly the same date.') 

" This is my second Letter of this week. In my last I intended to en- 
quire of thee, whether thy Bill was Strong enough to make a total prohi- 
bition of the infamous traffic it was designed to prevent. 

"Suppose the thirst of gain should tempt men to carry it on without 
clearances, what Laws of these States would they thereby violate, and to 
what penalties would they be liable ? 

" If any further provisions are necessary to compleat thy just and poli- 
tic plan, can they not be introduced in the House of Representatives as 
Amendments ? 

" There plays sometimes before my Mind an Image of Policy so pure, 
so wise, so benignant, that I am charmed by its beauties. 

"Britain — falsely ambitious, and foolishly rapacious, Britain — once had 
it in her power to render it the Palladium of her Happiness. She spurned 
the heavenly present from her. Let the calamities that, since her impious 
conduct, have been incessantly worrying her, be a warning to other 
nations. 

156 



appenMx 

"We 7WW have it in our own power, to practise this glorious Policy, 
and to become Blessings to Mankind. Yet — my Hope that we shall em- 
brace it, is almost hopeless — Perhaps, there are more than I know of, that 
possess thy Uprightness. 

" I am thy alTectionate Cousin, 

" John Dickinson 
" George Logan 

" Washington.'''' 

{^From the same.) 

" 6th of the 2d mo 1806. 

" I have read the Examination of the British Doctrine, which in my 
opinion displays Genius and Information, tho' the Interpolation of the 
sentiments of Jurists, and the construction of Public Documents seem 
sometimes to be overstrained. 

"We have distressing difficulties to encounter; and I dread oiu: 
committing ourselves in some rash act, prompted by a partial view of 
things. 

" What Patriotism will there be in adopting the dictates of Passion, for 
securing, if thereby they can be secured, the short-lived proiits of a sickly 
Policy ? 

" Let us look at the State of the World. Every advantage we bestow 
on France, is a weakening of Britain, already tottering under the mighty 
contest. Her calculations of aid are all failing. Her Resources appear 
to be withering to the very roots. 

" Will it be wise in us to increase her Burthens, and accelerate her 
Fall ? AVill not her Ruin inevitably draw down others with her in the 
tremendous Crash ? 

" Does the Happiness of the great Body of American Citizens depend 
on our carrying on a Trade in War, which we have not been permitted, 
and never shall be permitted to carry on in peace ? No. 

"Our business is to treat, and strive to agree upon some Plan of Ac- 
commodation. 

" I perceive Tempers of various kinds so prevailing in Hostility to what 
I have been taught to regard as Wisdom, that my Hopes of national 
Prosperity are considerably diminished — But — I will not despair. 

157 



HppenMi 

" May Heaven Bless our Representatives with soundness of Under- 
standing. 

" I am thj- truly affectionate Cousin 

"John Dickinson. 
" Geo : Logan 

' ' Sfnator in Congress. ' ' 

{From the sanu?) 

" nth of the 2d mo lSo6. 

"My dear Kinsmax, — I am perplexed by thy Question on the third 
Resolution, on every side, not only difficulties but distresses present 
themselves. We have to contend with a high-spirited, afflicted People. 
Their situation will render them more than usually obstinate. They seem 
likely for a while to stand at Bay with the World. 

'•'We may easily advance upon them with Boldness, but — if Retreat 
becomes necessax)", ' hie Labor, hoc opus Est.' 

'■ Should they obstinately persist in a Claim and a Conduct founded on 
it, which we think unjust and hostile, the Resistance: to be made by 
' Boots, shoes. Glass, Ribbons, &zc,' promise no very successful achieve- 
ment. The Enumeration seems to be dictated by cool mercantile calcu- 
lation, and not by the generous warm burst of national Indignation. 
That would prompt a total prohibition to commence at a reasonable dis- 
tance of Time. But — thif; measure will not, I suppose, be adopted. 

" I do not like temporary pro\isions. Cannot some Principle be dis- 
covered that wiU be permanent and beneficial. If such a Principle can- 
not be discovered, I should incline to nothing more at present but to 
treat. This can be done in so firm a manner as to convince our adver- 
saries, that our negotiation is but the forenmner of more effectual meas- 
ures, for which in the mean time we shall be preparing. And that the 
vigor of our exertion will be proportioned to the piatience of our en- 
durance. So they found it in our Revolution. 

" Be pleased to present my re3i>ects to Joel Barlowe, and my thanks for 

his Pamphlet. 

" I am Sec &c. 

" John Dickinson. 
" Geo : LoG.AN Scnatcr in Congress'^ 
X58 



HppenMi 

(^From the same.^ 

" 26th 2d mo 1806. 

" My dear Kinsman, — I am obliged to thee for thy Letter of the 24th 
and the Inclosures. The addition of the two last Paragraphs appear to 
me to be improper 

" Of the diplomatic character of the person mentioned, I never had 
any high opinion. He seems very desirous of doing something in the 
learned way without knowing what to do 

"The Bill concerning Coins* leads directly to the Remedy of a 
growing evil. Go on, my dear Friend, and do all the good thou can. 

" I am &c." 

{^Extract of a Letter from the same, dated J th of Third Month, 1806.) 

" I am exceedingly pleased with the purity and Prudence of thy poli- 
tics ; and am amazed at the Errors that have been committed by men of 
eminent Talents and great Integrity. 

" In the course of my life, I have frequently had occasion to remark 
that men of splendid Talents have been deficient in Soundness of Judg- 
ment ; and as often in a knowledge of mankind. These defects are not 
seldom felt by Nations. 

" I hope thy Son will emulate his Father." 

{Fart of a Letter from John Dickinson, Esq., to Dr. Logan.') 

" 31st of the 3d mo 1S06. 

" As far as I am capable of Judging, there has been an Overstraining 
in our affairs, and to such a degree, that the greatest prudence will be re- 
quired, for relaxing with honour & safety. 

"As to our disputes with Britain I think, that the death of Pitt, and 

* This relates to a bill which Dr. Logan introduced into the Senate, entitled " A Bill 
for the Punishment of Persons counterfeiting the Current Coin of the United States, and 
for other purposes," one of which purposes was the suppression of a regular mint which 
some rapacious individuals had established in Baltimore for the coinage of Portuguese 
money. This they in some way made conducive to their own profit. And it was upon 
this occasion that a Senator from Maryland told Dr. Logan that he was too honest a man 
to be in public life. 

159 



HppenMi 

the appointment of a new Ministry, open to us such prospects of accomo- 
dation, that all Resolutions respecting a stoppage of commercial inter- 
courses should be suspended ; and that it should be perfectly understood, 
that suspension takes place in consequence of the hopes we entertain of a 
truly Friendly disposition of the present Ministry towards us ; more es- 
pecially as we observe among them men, whose generous and uniform 
exertions in favour of Liberty and the Happiness of Mankind, have long 
endeared them to the People of these States. As to our controversies 
with Spain they appear to have proceeded from our mistakes and im- 
periousness. We have unnecessarily and imprudently irritated and alarmed 
her. 

" We might almost as reasonably quarrel with her for Lands in the 
Moon, as for the Wildernesses beyond the Mississipi. 

"The Spaniards are a Nation who value Honour very highly. It is a 
Temper that ought to be highly Respected by others. To wound them in 
this respect is cruel and unwise. In our negotiations with them a par- 
ticular attention should be paid to this part of their character. 

"It was my wish in the commencement of these negotiations. We 
should have frankly told them, that for the establishment of our western 
boundaries upon Principles of mutual Respect and benefit, we would con- 
tent ourselves with the River Mexicano, laid down in several maps as the 
Boundary of Louisiana up to the 30th degree of Latitude, and thence 
with a strait line to the source of the Missisippi, with the priviledge of 
trading with the Indian nations on the western side of the Boundaries so 
to be established — or with some such limits. In this manner, if the 
proposition should be adopted, we should gain a large Territory which we 
do not want, and to which any addition would be superfluous. 

"As to our Eastern Boundaries, the best thing that can be done, I pre- 
sume will be by liberal Cessions on the Western side of the Missisippi, 
and by a liberal Price to bargain for all the Floridas. If they cannot be 
thus obtained, then to get as much as we can of those parts that would be 
most convenient to us. 

"If in their turn they should choose to behave too haughtily, they 
ought most solemnly to be warned against measures that may drive us into 
a connection with Great Britain. A Policy that would strike directly at 

160 



HppcnMi 

the heart of their Colonies. (A defaced sentence follows, which seems to 
urge the necessity of possessing the Floridas, and glances at the probable 
Independence of Spanish America.)" 

(^From John Dickinson to Dr. Logan.") 

"Wilmington 17th 12th mo 1806. 

" My dear Cousin, — Accept my thanks for thy kind attentions. I am 
waiting for explanations that are to determine, whether we have reason to 
rejoice or to mourn for the situation of our affairs. 

" The perseverance in the non-importation act after advice received of 
the favourable change in the British Ministry, appeared to me on several 
accounts an improper measure. Now we are to tack about. 

" So it was as to the Saint Domingo Trade. We persisted in it weakly 
and wickedly, till a little Note enlightened us. We then were obliged to 
tack about. 

"So it was as to our unjustifiable claims on Spain. She resented them, 
with perhaps unexpected spirit : and accordingly we have tacked about 
again. 

" In the Present State of affairs, I should approve a suspension rather 
than a Repeal. 

" I am thy truly affectionate Kinsman 

" John Dickinson 
" Wilmington 
" the 17th of the 12th 
" month 1806." 

{Fart of a Letter from John Dickinson without date ; but written at a 

time when the House of Representatives had made a call on the Fresident 
for Fapers and Documents the disclosure of which was judged to be wholly 

improper at that period.) 

" The proceedings of the House of Representatives gives me great 
pain of Mind. There is a wildness in them prognosticating evil to Re- 
publican forms of Government. 

" It appears to me that disappointed passion in some, and an abject 
courtship of popular favour in others, have superceded a regard for public 
faith and national dignity. 

161 



Hppcnbii 

"What sacrifices of honor and Prudence have been made to gratify a 
precocious Curiosity ! And what Pity it is that a Man who might emulate 
Demosthenes, should be so infatuated as to act the part of a Zoilus. 

" I read his speeches, to borrow an expression from Tacitus ' Plaudens 
ac moerens.' 

"Negotiations in progression, but not yet completed, for the manage- 
ment of which constitutional authorities are established and are competent, 
must now be published to the world, 'tho' the publication cannot possibly 
do any Good, but on the contrary, may do much Harm by provoking 
other powers. I shall not be surprised if they refuse to treat with us at 
all, and ' manage their own affairs in their own way' Surely, if we were 
to be influenced by Reason and Love of Country, we might rely on the 
Virtues and Talents of our President, for ably and honestly discharging 
the duties of his office ; and if, mortal as he is, he should in any point 
happen to be mistaken, certainly the two legislative Bodies might check 
the Error, before it could do mischief. 

"But, it seems, that this regular and Safe Mode of going on will not 
satisfy some political Newlights. 

"Their violence will overwhelm us with confusion if it is not re- 
strained. 

"To the Senate I look for Relief. 

"In the Convention at Philadelphia in 1787, I proposed that Branch, 
with an equal Representation therein of every State — assenting, in con- 
sideration of such a provision, to the Establishment of the other Branch, 
on another Principle. 

' ' Be firm — Ye Depositaries of delegated Sovereignties — 

' Fordaque adversis opponite pectora rebus.' 

" If a Frenzy agitates a portion of your Country, remain steady — Time 
will assuredly come to your aid — Truth will vindicate you — and enlight- 
ened Gratitude succeed to blind Resentment." 

{From John Dickinson, Esq., to Dr. Logan.) 
" My dear Cousin, — I thank thee for the Letter and Inclosures ; and I 
hope the President's Conduct will meet with universal approbation. To 
Me it appears to have been exactly what it ought to have been. 

162 



appenbii 

" Upon this alarm, how all-important is a genera/ Militia thoroughly 
prepared for Action — proved to be. 

" Unless such a Militia shall be soon established, our Liberties will be 
unstable as the clouds. This must be, and this alone under Providence 
can be, a solid foundation for them. 

" However, I observe this salutary Truth so little attended to by my 
fellow Citizens, that my expectation of happiness for these States is some- 
times almost e.xtinguished. Let me entreat thee, to excite our sleeping 
Countrymen to an indispensably necessary Vigilence. 

" I am thy sincerely affectionate Kinsman, 

"John Dickinson." 

(^From John Dickinson, Esq., to Dr. Logan.^ 

" My dear Cousin, — Has thou ever seen a more appropriate public 
Paper, than the Presidents last Proclaimation ? For sentiment. Temper 
and Language, to Me it appears truly admirable. The Inhabitants of our 
Town feel as they ought to do on the horrible outrage committed against 
humanity and our Country. 

"Tho' I partake of the sensations, I judged it to be suitable to my 
Age and Infirmities, to take no share in the public Expressions of Prin- 
ciple and Resentment ; but, my presence at a Town meeting was requested 
so earnestly and respectfully that I could not without pain, resist the Invi- 
tation. 

"I had no share in drafting the Resolutions. They ought to have re- 
sponded more than they do, with the Presidents firm, calm and dignified 
Manner. 

" I am thy affectionate Kinsman, 

"John Dickinson. 

"Wilmington 

" the 7th of the 7th month 1S07." 



163 



appen^il 



ACTS OF THE FIFTH CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES. 



STATUTE COMMONLY CALLED THE "LOGAN ACT." 

An Act for the Punishment of certain Crimes therein specified. 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United 
States of America in Congress assembled, That if any person, being a 
citizen of the United States, whether he be actually resident, or abiding 
within the United States, or in any foreign country, shall, without the 
permission or authority of the government of the United States, directly 
or indirectly, commence, or carry on, any verbal or written correspond- 
ence or intercourse with any foreign government, or any officer or agent 
thereof, with an intent to influence the measures or conduct of any foreign 
government, or of any officer or agent thereof, in relation to any disputes 
or controversies with the United States, or defeat the measures of the 
government of the United States ; or if any person, being a citizen of, or 
resident within the United States, and not duly authorized, shall counsel, 
advise, aid or assist in any such correspondence, with intent, as aforesaid, 
he or they shall be deemed guilty of a high misdemeanor, and on con- 
viction before any court of the United States having jurisdiction thereof, 
shall be punished by a fine not exceeding five thousand dollars, and by 
imprisonment during a term not less than six months, nor exceeding three 
years : Provided ahoays, that nothing in this act contained shall be con- 
strued to abridge the right of individual citizens of the United States to 
apply, by themselves, or their lawful agents, to any foreign government, 
or the agents thereof, for the redress of any injuries in relation to person 
or property which such individuals may have sustained from such govern- 
ment, or any of its agents, citizens or subjects. 

Approved, January 30, 1799. 



164 



APPENDIX V 
CorresponDence between Dr. Xogan an& VXlx. flilaMson 

[The following letters passed between Dr. Logan and the President 
previous to Dr. Logan's embarkation for England.] 

" Stenton Jany toth iSio. 

" My dear Friend, — As a Citizen of the United States, I have for 
several years viewed with considerable anxiety the future destinies of my 
country. 

" Every reflecting and candid mind must be sensible of the weakness 
of a Government deriving its power from popular opinion rather than 
from Physical force. Such being the situation of the United States, would 
it not be sound Policy in our Government, not merely to act with strict 
Justice, but with liberality and even forbearance towards other nations. 

" During the federal administration under Mr. Adams, a desperate fac- 
tion were anxious to involve our Country in a war with France. The 
people viewing the calamities of war with horror, intrusted the fate of 
their country in the hands of men, who professed maxims of Peace, as the 
best Policy to promote the happiness and Prosperity of the United States. 
This desirable situation of our country is like to be jeopardised by our 
Republican administration giving up their sound Judgment founded on 
deliberate reflection, to the temporary feelings of popular Resentments 
roused into energy by the clamours of Unprincipled Demagogues. The 
superficial legal education of too many of our young men in Congress ; 
and their habits of quibble and sophistry in our inferior courts, so debase 
their faculties as to extinguish that generosity of sentiment and candour 
necessary in the character of a national Legislator. 

"Our demands on Spain respecting French spoliations out of Spanish 
Ports, and on account of our claim to West Florida, have been long since 
declared by the Emperor of France as totally tcithout foundation — and we 

165 



HppenMi 

have reason to believe they never will be granted, whether we have to 
negotiate for them with the Spanish or with the French Governments. 

" Our Prospects with Great Britain, owing to the enflamed state of the 
public mind is more serious — and yet I do not despair — if either, or both 
nations would substitute a just and magnanimous Policy, to suspicion. 
Jealousy, and cupidity. 

"In the present aweful crisis of Europe, with the acts, and the ambi- 
tious views of Buonaparte before us, no man in his senses can doubt of the 
necessity of the United States preserving Peace with Britain. 

"I was not satisfied with the rejection of Monroe's Treaty on account 
of its not having an article stipulating generally for the protection under 
the American Mercantile Flag, of French Property, and British Deserters. 
The two federal administrations gave up these points as inconsistent 
with the Law of Nations. The first, universally acknowledged by the 
best writers on the law of nations — The latter, altho' not particularly ex- 
pressed, yet consistent with the spirit and intent of that law, as founded 
on the immutable principle of doing unto others as you would expect 
others to do to you ; is equally binding. Those great national laws, 
which regard the great Republic of mankind cannot justify such acts as 
may promote wickedness and lessen the general confidence and security 
in which all have an equal interest, and which all are therefore bound to 
maintain. For this reason, no nation has a Right to erect a Sanctuary 
for fugitives ; or give protection to such as have forfeited their lives by 
crimes against the Law of common moraUity or Justice equally acknowl- 
edged by all nations : — because none can without infraction of the univer- 
sal league of social beings, incite by prospects of impunity and safety, those 
practices in another dominion, which they themselves punish in their own. 
According to this fundamental law of nations : — AVhat Right has the United 
States to protect a Deserter from the service of a foreign nation, whilst in 
the practice of punishing its own citizens guilty of a similar offence. 

" My heart mourns on account of the political insanity of my country ! 
Make use of your power and your influence as chief magistrate of the 
United States to arrest the progress of the destruction of your country. 
A war with Britain, at once unites us as an ally to Buonaparte, and will 
dissolve the Union — arouse my Friend — suffer your superior understanding 

i66 



Hppenbix 

and Patriotism to prevail — banish from our Councils that irratibility of 
temper and false honour which has tended to widen the breach. 

"When I had the pleasure of conversing with you lately at Washing- 
ton, you mentioned to me that you had recently given assurances to the 
British Government of the desire of the United States to preserve Peace 
between the two countries, and that you were willing to renew negotia- 
tions for that purpose at Washington or in London. Confirm this decla- 
ration by immediately sending two or three Commissioners of the most 
respectable character to London, for the express purpose of concluding a 
Treaty of Friendship and Commerce, equally necessary and beneficial to 
both countries — You have a precedent in the Mission of Mr Jay by Gen- 
eral Washington and a still stronger one in the last mission to France by 
Mr Adams, an act of magnanimity which obliterates many of his political 
blunders. 

" No man, whatever may be his professions, is more desirous of your 
honour and happiness. 

" With sentiments of Respect, 

" I am your Real Friend 

"Geo: Logan. 
"James Madison 

'^President U: States." 

(y. Madison to Dr. Logan.') 

"Washington January 17th 1810 

" Dear Sir, — I have received your favour of the loth. Your anxiety 
that our country may he kept out of the vortex of war, is honourable to 
your judgment as a patriot, and to your feeling as a man. The same 
anxiety is, I sincerely believe, felt by the great body of the nation, & by 
its public councils ; most assuredly by the Executive branch of them. 
But the question may be decided for us, by actual hostilities against us, or 
by proceedings, leaving no choice but between absolute disgrace & re- 
sistance by force. May not also manifestations of patience under injuries 
& indignities, be carried so far, as to invite this very dilemma ? 

" I devoutly wish that the same disposition to cultivate peace by means 
of justice which exists here, predominated elsewhere, particularly in 
G. B. But how can this be supposed, whilst she persists in proceedings, 

167 



HppenMi 

which involve the essence of hostility ; whilst she violates towards us 
rules, which she enforces against us in her own favour ; more particularly 
whilst we see her converting the late reconciliation through one of her 
Ministers, into a source of fresh difficulties & animosities, thro' another : 
For in this light must be viewed, her disavowal of Mr Erskine, & the im- 
pressions made thro' his successor. Had the disavowal been deemed 
essential to her interests, a worse plaister could not have been devised for 
the wound necessarily inflicted here. But was the disavowal essential to 
her interests ? Was it material to them ; taking for the test, her own 
spontaneous change of system, & her own official language? By the 
former refer to her orders of April, restricting their original orders against 
neutrals, to a trade with France & Holland : by the latter, to the conver- 
sation of Mr Canning with Mr P. [Pinkney] in which he abandons, as he 
could not but do, two of the conditions which had been contemplated; & 
admits that a non intercourse law here against Holland was not a sine qua 
non; so that the arrangement of Mr E. [Erskine] was disavowed essen- 
tially for want of a pledge that our non-intercourse would be continued 
against France & her dominions. But why disavow absolutely, why at all, 
on this account ? The law was known to be in force against France at the 
time of the arrangement. It was morally certain that if put in force against 
France whilst she was pleading the British orders, it would not be withdra>vn, 
if she should persist in her devices, after being deprived of this plea. 

' ' And there could be no fair ground to suppose, that the condition 
would not be pledged & stipulated, if required, as soon as the requisite 
authorities here should be together. The disavowal is the more extraor- 
dinary, as the arrangement was to be respected till the 20th of July, & 
therefore with the addition of four or five weeks only, would have afforded 
an opportunity of knowing the sense of this Govt & of supplying all that 
was wanted to Satisfy the British Ultimatum. This course was so obvious, 
& that pursued so opposite, that we are compelled to look to other motives 
for an explanation, & to include among these a disinclination to put an 
end to differences from which such advantages are extracted by British 
commerce & British cruisers. 

" Notwithstanding all these grounds of discontent & discouragement, 
we are ready as the B. Govt knows, to join in any new experiment, (& 

168 



appendix 

thro' either our diplomatic channel there, or hers here) for a cordial & 
comprehensive adjustment of matters between the two countries. 

" Let reparation be made for the acknowledged wrong commited in the 
case of the Chesapeak, a reparation so cheap to the wrongdoer, yet so 
material to the honour of the injured party ; & let the orders in counsil, 
already repealed as to the avowed object of retaliation, be repealed also 
as an expedient for substituting an illicit commerce in place of that to 
which neutrals have, as such, an incontestable right. The way will then 
be opened for negotiation at large ; & if the B. Govt, would bring into it 
the same temper as she would find in us ; & the same disposition to insist 
on nothing inconsistent with the rule of doing as she would, or rather as 
she zez/Z/be done by, the result could not fail to be happy for both. 

" Permit me to remark, that you are under a mistake in supposing that 
the Treaty concluded by Messrs M & P. was rejected because it did not 
provide that free ships should make free goods. It never was required nor 
expected that such a stipulation should be inserted As to deserting 
seamen, you will find that G. B. practices against us the principles we 
assert against her, & in fact goes further ; that we have always been ready 
to enter into a convention on that subject, founded on reciprocity ; & 
that the documents long since in print show, that we are willing, on the 
subject of impressment, to put an end to it, by an arrangement which 
most certainly would be better for the British navy than that offensive re- 
source, & which might be so managed as to leave both parties at liberty 
to retain their own ideas of right. Let me add that the acceptance of 
that Treaty would have very little changed the actual situation of things 
with G. B. The orders in council would not have been prevented but 
rather placed on stronger ground ; the case of the Chesapeak, the same as 
it is ; so also the case of impressments, of fictitious blockades & all as at 
present, pregnant sources of contention & ill-humour. 

" From this view of the subject, I cannot but persuade myself, that 
you will concur in opinion, that if unfortunately, the calamity you so 
benevolently dread, should visit this hitherto favoured country, the fault 
will not lie where you would wish it not to lie. 

" Accept assurances of my esteem & friendship 

"James Madison." 

12 169 



Hppen^iI 

"Jan 19. p. s. Since I reed, your letter of the 10 & whilst the 
above was undergoing a copy, Yours of the 14th has come to hand, in- 
forming me of your intention to embark in about 8 days for England ; an 
intention I presume suddenly formed as it is not alluded to in your first 
letter. The Secretary of State will avail himself of your polite offer to 
take charge of communications to our Minister in London ; tho' I fear 
that your departure may take place before he can be in readiness. I shall 
myself ask the favor of your attention to a private letter to him, which I 
shall forward by tomorrow's mail." 

(^Dr. Logan to James Madison.') 

" Stenton January 24lh 1 810, 

" My dear Friend, — By the mail of yesterday I received your obliging 
letter of the 17th. Your sentiments in favour of preserving our country in 
peace at this momentous crisis, do honor to you as a statesman, & have 
afforded me the most lively satisfaction. 

"The political & commercial interests of Great Britain & the United 
States, demands, that laying aside mutual jealousy & distrust, we should 
renew our negotiation with frankness candor & forbearance. No man is 
more sensible of the injurious acts of Britain towards our country than I 
am. but we have reason to believe from fatal experience, that irritating 
acts regulating & restricting commerce will not lead to that solid state of 
peace necessary to the happiness & prosperity of both countries. 

"I am disgusted with the miserable policy & horrid barbarous warfare 
of the present day. By decrees, orders in council, & commercial restric- 
tions ; dastardly attacking the humble cottage, the comforts, the subsist- 
ance of unoffending women & children, instead of meeting in an open & 
honorable conflict the armed battalions of your enemy in the field — I wish 
my country disdaining to follow this wretched system of France & Britain, 
would remove every obstacle to peace, and appeal to the magnanimity, 
sound policy & permanent interest of Great-Britain. That country must 
be sensible of the importance of our commerce to her, & must see the ne- 
cessity of sacrificing minor temporary considerations, to extensive & per- 
manent future objects in which both countries are so deeply interested. 

"Permit me in deference to your better information, to recommend 
170 



HppenMi 

Mr. Onis [M : D'Onis] to your more particular notice. The glorious 
cause of his country which he is sent to represent, merits the good wishes 
& prayers of every virtuous man. 

" Yoiu: despatches for our minister in London entrusted to my care, I 
will take charge of with pleasure — I expect to take my passage in the Brit- 
ish packet, which will sail from New York^in about two weeks. 
" I am with sentiments of great respect 

" your ffriend 

" Geo. Logan 
" Jas. Madison Esq, 

' ' President of the United States. ' ' 

{Letter /rem Dr. Logan to Madison.) 

" Stenton July 4th 1813. 

" Dear Sir, — In that spirit of Truth which you so highly and justly 
appreciate, I have communicated to you my Letters to the American and 
British Administration, on the all-important subject of restoring Peace and 
Friendship between the two Governments, particularly necessary at this 
tremenduous crisis, when a military Despot is contemplating the subju- 
gation of the whole civilised world. Whilst a member of the Senate at 
Washington I had frequent opportunities of conversing with Mr Jefferson 
then President of the United States. I suggested to him the necessity of 
having a Treaty of commerce and Friendship with Great Britain. I do 
not remember the precise words made use of, but an impression was made 
on my mind that Mr Jefferson did not at that time wish a Treaty of Peace 
and Friendship with England. I perfectly recollect that he terminated a 
conversation on this subject by observing that before a Treaty could be 
ratified with Great Britain, she might no longer exist as an independent 
nation. I am of opinion that Mr Jefferson declined making a Treaty 
with England, not from his hatred to that country, but from his fear of 
the overwhelming power of Buonaparte. 

"In some degree, the present calamity of our country may be at- 
tributed to the contracted Policy, and Secrecy of the Executive respecting 
our foreign relations. I hope the Present Congress will develope every 
Act of the President and of his ministers, necessary for the information of 
the People. 

171 



HppcnMi 

" As to ' the Orders in Council' the ostensible cause of declaring War 
against Britain, the most objectionable part of them was removed in 1809. 
The remaining part was contemplated to have been repealed before the 
meeting of Parliament in 1810. This Information I received whilst in 
London from Gentlemen connected with the Government. And it is con- 
firmed by the last Letter of Mr Foster to Mr Monroe, dated ' Washington 
June 14th 1812,' in which he observes: — ' It was France, and afterwards 
America that connected the Question relative to the right of Blockade 
with that arising out of the Orders in Council. You well know that if 
these two Questions had not been united together, the Orders in Council 
would have been in 1810, Revoked.'' Unfortunately for the Peace of our 
Country, not content with the Revocation of the Orders in Council as 
dictated by the Law of Congress of May 1810. Mr Pinkney in his Letter 
to Lord Wellesley of Sep 31st 1810 demands a Repeal not only of the 
Blockade from Elbe to Brest, but of those of Zealand, and of the Isles of 
Mauritius and Bourbon. And in his letter of Jany 14th 181 1, to the 
same Minister, he speaks also of other Blockades (including that of the 
Island of Zealand) which the United States expected to see Recalled, be- 
sides the Blockade of May. ' In this letter he suggests an idea directly 
calculated, and perhaps designed, to allarm the British Minestry as to the 
ulterior views of our Government on the subject of Blockade in general, 
and to discourage them from a compliance with our demand concerning 
the Blockade of May. He observes — ' It is by no means clear that it may 
not be fairly contended that a Maratime Blockade is incomplete with re- 
gard to States at Peace, unless the Place which it would affect is invested 
by land as well as by sea. The United States however have called for the 
recognition of no such Rule. They appear to have contented themselves 
with urging in substance ' That Ports not actually Blockaded by a Present 
adequate Stationary force &c &c. ' 

" Apprehensive that some shuffling conduct of this kind would be the 
result of an official communication with Mr Pinkney, I urged in my 
Letter to Sir John Sinclair, and to other Gentlemen in London with whom 
I conversed, that the King should volantarily and immediately, remove, 
or suspend the ' Orders in Council :' Not only as an Act of Justice to the 
United States, but as a measure of sound Policy with regard to the British 

172 



Nation, as tending to silence the jealous, and strengthen the well disposed 
real American Citizens in the United States. 

" Accept assurances of 

" my Friendship, 

" Geo : Logan. 

(^Letter of Dr. Logan to his Wife concerning his Life in London.") 

" London May 29th 1810. 

" I wrote to my best friend a few days since by a Ship going to New 
York ; but knowing your affectionate and anxious mind, I wish to em- 
brace every opportunity of communicating with you by Letter, particularly 
as your dear friend Bonaparte may capture some of the vessels going to 
the United States. As you may be desirous of knowing in what manner 
I pass my time in London, take the following sketch of the present week. 
On first day last (it being the time of the yearly meeting of Friends) in 
the morning I breakfasted with the sons of Cousin Arch, and they ac- 
companied me to Grace Church Street meeting. I dined with Cousin 
Dilwyn, and in the afternoon accompanied his family to Bishopgate meet- 
ing. In the evening I was at a conversazione of Sir Joseph Banks, where 
I met a large company of literary characters. Yesterday I breakfasted 
with Mr Darby, and afterwards had an interesting and satisfactory con- 
versation with Lord Sidmouth. In the afternoon I attended Parliament 
and had an interview with several members of that body, all of whom 
express the strongest desire to preserve peace with the United States. 
This morning I breakfasted with the very amiable family of Wilberforce, 
and am just returned to my lodgings from attending an interesting lecture 
on Manures, delivered at the national board of agriculture by Arthur 
Young. Tomorrow I attend the yearly meeting with Cousin Dillwyn. 
and dine at his house with the benevolent Clarkson. On fifth day I am 
engaged to dine with an eminent Merchant in the City to meet our charge 
d'affaires, just returned from Spain. 

"On sixth day I am to dine with Mr Thornton to meet at his house 
several members of Parliament ; and after dinner to attend the House on 
the important question of the Catholics in Ireland. On seventh day I 
breakfast with Sir Robert Barclay, and dine with Mr Martinent my fellow 

173 



HppenMi 

passenger to England, and who expects to return to America in about two 
weeks. I shall give him a Letter to you ; he is engaged in the mercantile 
line. In this manner my time has been occupied since my being in 
London. 

" The family of my valuable friend Barclay is in great distress having 
just lost his second daughter, who was married to a person of the name of 
Reynolds, she has left seven small children. My most affectionate love to 
Stenton fire side including S. D. Pray also remember me to cousins Pem- 
berton and Griffitts. 

" yours. 

"G. L." 



174 



APPENDIX VI 

Xetters IReferrlng to 2)r. Xogan's Efforts to Hvoi& Mar 
witb EnglanJ) 

(^Thomas William Coke to Dr. Logan.') 

" HoLKHAM Aug loth, 1810. 
" Dear Sir, — I assure 5'ou I felt highly gratified by your honouring my 
meeting by your presence & approbation, & should sooner have acknowl- 
edged your very obliging letter, had not my time been fully taken up by 
a variety of pressing business. has promised to forward the drill- 
ing machine, &: I beg you to believe it will afford me real satisfaction 
to promote your wishes on every occasion in my power. 

" Should you prolong your stay in this country, I need not say how 
gratified I should be to see you here again, with any friends you might 
think proper to bring. 

" I remain, with great regard — your obliged 

"servt 

"T. Wm. Coke. 
" When you see & pray remember me to them." 

(Z?/-. Logan to the Right Hon. Spencer Perceval, M.F.) 

"29 Leicester Squ.\re Aug 3, 1810. 
" Sir, — As a citizen of the United States I am anxious for the prosperity 
& happiness of my country — And permit me to observe that having at an 
early period of life, resided for several years in England & in Scotland, 
on account of my education, I feel a deep interest in the welfare of Great 
Britain — These sentiments must be my apology, for intruding on your 
time so arduously engaged in the service of your country — The bicker- 
ings & semi state of warfare, which have existed for several years be- 
tween our nations, have been viewed with deep affliction by the best 
men in both countries — Since my arrival in England, I have had an 
opportunity of conversing with many of your most eminent characters, as 
well as with respectable men of every situation in life. I have not met 
with one person, who does not wish a reconciliation with the United 
States — My public & private situation in my own country, afforded me 

175 



Hppenbir 

an opportunity of becoming fully acquainted with the sentiments of my 
fellow citizens. I know they anxiously desire to preserve peace with 
Great Britain. & as a manifestation of their sincerity, they have renewed 
their commerce with this country, & have removed every obstacle to an 
amicable negotiation. Let Great Britain with the same laudable intent, 
remove her orders in council — Let her declare herself the advocate of 
neutral rights. Such as she claimed for herself, & conceded to others, be- 
fore she adopted the execrable commercial warfare of the tyrant of Europe 
— a system of warfare which will be depicted by the faithful pen of the 
historian, in the blackest colours — a warfare by decrees & orders in coun- 
cil, dastardly attacking the humble cottage, the comforts, the subsistence 
of unoffending women & children ; instead of meeting in an open & hon- 
ourable conflict the armed battalions of your enemy in the field — Let her 
return to that safe & honourable course of publick law, which she has 
abandoned, & treat with the United States on terms of reciprocity ; 
equally honourable & beneficial to both countries — A treaty of peace be- 
tween the two nations founded on such principles, will conciliate the 
citizens of the United States, & they will consider Britain as their real 
friend — My dear Sir, for heaven's sake, pause, & from the elevated & 
honourable situation, in which your Sovereign has placed you, contemplate 
agonising nations at the feet of a military despot; & say if it is not 
necessary that Great Britain & the United States at this momentous 
crisis of the world, Should lay aside unfounded jealousies and mutual 
bickerings, not only to protect their own existence, as independent na- 
tions ; but to preserve the civil & political liberties of mankind — I may 
appeal to your own superior information & understanding. If you are 
acquainted with any truth more thoroughly established than that there 
exists in the affairs of nations an indissoluble union between the generous 
maxims of an honest & magnanimous policy, & the solid rewards of pub- 
lick prosperity & happiness. 

"Thinking the enclosed document from the Secretary of the treasury 
of the United States, on the subject of American manufactures, would be 
interesting to you, I beg your acceptance of it — 

"If as a private citizen of the United States it is in my power to give 
you any information which you may think useful, I will do myself the 

176 



HppenMi 

pleasure of waiting on you any hour you may appoint, either this day or 
tomorrow — I expect to leave London on Sunday on my return to Phila- 
delphia. ,, 

^ " accept assurances 

" of my esteem & friendship 

" Geo. Logan." 

{Dr. Logan to Thomas William Coke, M.P.) 

"Liverpool Sept. loth 1810. 

" My dear Sir, — Your late friendly letter was forwarded by Mr Bar- 
clay to meet me in this city ; from whence I shall embark tomorrow for 
the United States — My visit to England has been satisfactory, not only on 
account of the hospitality I have received generally, & particularly by 
yourself J but also on account of the pleasing conviction of my own mind, 
that the most enlightened & best men in this country, as well as the 
Nation in general, are anxious to preserve peace with my country — I in 
truth can see no real obstacle to a sincere reconciliation, if all questions of 
difference between our countries were submitted to the determination of 
two or three honourable & honest men, such as would consider it necessary 
to banish from their deliberations, every minor consideration ; & adopt a 
liberal policy, having in view, the permanent interests of both countries. 

" I beg you to receive my sincere thanks for your kind invitation. I 
should revisit your hospitable mansion with pleasure at this time, but my 
duty requires my return to my own country ; — where be assured, I shall do 
every thing in the power of a private citizen to restore harmony & the 
sincerest friendship between our countries 

" Permit me to ask the favour of a long political letter from you, by the 
next British Packet to New York. 

"Not having had an introduction to Mr Perceval I took the liberty of 

writing a short letter to him before I left London ; of which the enclosed 

is a copy ,, 

'^' " accept assurances 

" of my esteem & gratitude 

" Geo. Logan. 
"Hon Thomas Wm Coke M.P. 

" Holkham, 

"Norfolk." 

'77 



Hppenbii 



(Z'r. Logan to Sir John Sinclair.') 

St James Place, May 14th iSio 

" Dear Sir, — A respectable citizen of the United States who left New 
York on the 22nd of March waited on me a few days since. He informs 
me that the intelligence brought by the British January packet of a 
negotiation having commenced between the Marquis Wellesley and Mr 
Pinkney produced the most agreeable sensations — That Mr Macon's bill 
would not pass, — & that the non intercourse act would expire by its own 
limitation at the end of the session of congress contemplated to be about 
the 15th of April, Every restriction being thus removed from the com- 
merce of the United States a few of our ships, notwithstanding past expe- 
rience may venture to the ports of France & Holland, subjecting them- 
selves to be captured by British cruisers, under the orders in council — 
Should this event take place I am seriously apprehensive it will afford 
fresh cause of irritation & will essentially injure the negotiation, so hap- 
pily commenced. As I am fully sensible of the good wishes of this gov- 
ernment & of the people of Great Britain to have peace & harmony 
restored between our countries ; permit me to suggest to you the sound 
policy of this Government removing or at least suspending the orders of 
council during the negotiation. An act of this kind coming voluntarily 
& immediately from the King will have the most salutary effect — its 
justice & magnanimity will silence the jealous & strengthen the well 
disposed real American citizens in the United States. 

At this awful & momentous crisis whilst Bonaparte in every part of 
Continental Europe is establishing a military despotism, it becomes abso- 
lutely necessary that Great Britain & the United States should banish 
from the present negotiation unfounded jealousies & minor considera- 
tions, & adopt a liberal & enlightened policy, having in view the perma- 
nent interests of both countries. 

" accept assurances 

" of my high 

' ' respect. 

"Geo Logan 

"Sir John Sinclair" 

178 



HppenMi 



(Z*/-. Logan to John Nicholls, Esq., Kensington.) 

" Liverpool, Sept. loth 1810 

" Dear Sir, — Accept my sincere thanks for your late friendly & 
highly interesting letter — Would to God the present administration were 
possessed of your enlightened mind respecting the true policy of this 
country towards the United States — In truth I can see no real obstacle to 
a sincere reconciliation, if all subjects of difference between our countries, 
were submitted to the determination of two or three honourable men such 
as would consider it necessary to banish from their deliberations the 
baneful spirit of jealousy, & every minor consideration & adopt a liberal 
policy, having in view the permanent interests of both countries. I 
embark tomorrow on my return to the United States where be assured I 
shall do every thing in the power of a private citizen to restore harmony, 
&: the sincerest friendship between our countries. 

"I hope you have had your intended interview with your friend the 
Marquis Wellesley. Pray write to me by the next British Packet to New 
York, & inform me of the disposition & views of the administration 
towards my country — At this tremendous crisis of Europe, you are stand- 
ing on the brink of a precipice & appear insensible to your danger 

"accept 

"G. L. 

" John Nicholls Esq. 

" Kensington." 

(Dr. Logan to the Marquis Wellesley.') 

" 37 St James's place. April 21st 1810. 
"My Lord, — I arrived in the last British Packet from New York; & 
had the pleasure of bringing with me dispatches from the President of the 
United States to our minister in London of the most conciliatory nature, 
calculated to settle the unhappy difference, which has too long existed 
between Great Britain & the United States — equally injurious to both — 

"Since my being in London I find an opinion prevails with some 
gentlemen of high standing in the councils of this country that the Presi- 
dent and people of the United States, have a strong attachment to 
France. Having been a member of the Senate of the United States for 

179 



BppenMx 

six years, & for more than fifteen years been honoured with the friend- 
ship of Mr Madison, I know this charge to be without foundation. As 
I consider it of some importance to have your mind perfectly satisfied on 
this point, with the permission of your Exellency I will wait on you 
tomorrow at one o'clock, to have a short conversation with you on this 
subject. 

"Sensible of the importance of your time devoted to the service of 
your country, I should not wish to intrude on it for a moment ; But the 
tremendous power of Bonaparte in Europe, his activity, and future pros- 
pects of domination, renders it absolutely necessary that both our govern- 
ments in their present negotiation should substitute a spirit of confidence 
justice & forbearance to jealousy & petty acts of irritation. Mr. Pinkney 
our minister has the full confidence of the President, & is himself well 
disposed to promote a happy reconciliation — 

"Accept assurances of my respect 

" Geo. Logan. 
"His Excellency Marquis Wellesley" 

John Randolph to Dr. Logan, Stenton. 

" Many thanks, my good Sir, for your friendly remembrance of me ; 
for your letter & for the accompanying pamphlet. It came in the nick of 
time — but old maxims as well as old politicians are out of date. ' New 
Lords new Laws.' 

"I am worn out with fatigue. My best regards to Mrs L. & present 

me to your sons. Believe with the respect which I can feel only for a 

country gentleman of the old school & a consistent politician who knows 

no party but the Commonwealth, very truly 

" yours, 

"John Randolph of Roanoke. 
"Georgetown Jan. 24. 1810 

(John Randolph to Dr. Logan.") 

" BizANE Dec 4, 1810 
" Dear Doctor, — Permit me to congratulate you, which I do very 
sincerely, upon your safe return to the ' good old United States' — our 
common country. The object of your visit to Europe ; whatever it may 

180 



BppenMi 

have been — whether pleasure health, or patriotism, or all three united — I 
trust has been happily attained ; & I promise myself that on your 
return among us, you will have found those alarming symptoms of febrile 
excitement & irregular action which prevailed in the body politic at the 
period of your departure, happily assuaged. I promise myself great 
pleasure in seeing & conversing with you this winter at Washington, 
where I make sure you will spend some days. The more especial pur- 
pose however of this letter is to introduce to your acquaintance, & to 
recommend to your good offices my relation, Mr Theodorick Bland 
Dudley, whom I trust you will find deserving of them. 
' ' yours sincerely. 

"John Randolph 

"OF Roanoke. 
"Dr Logan" 

(^Dr. Logan to James Madison, President of the United States.^ 

" London July, 1810. 
" Dear Sir, — The government of the United States in renewing com- 
merce with the belligerents, has done our country great honour, as this 
magnanimous act will afford to both nations, another opportunity to do 
us justice, & to restore our friendship — It has powerfully strengthened our 
friends in this country, & what ever may be the feelings of the Adminis- 
tration : even the ministry in private conversation & in parliament, pro- 
fess a desire to preserve peace with the United States — This sentiment is 
general among every class of citizens, which I have witnessed in several 
instances — I lately attended the annual meeting of the agricultural society 
of Surrey, above eighty gentlemen of the first characters in the county 
were present at dinner the two members of parliament for the county pre- 
sided, when the following toast was received with great acclamation — 
' Doctor Logan & may harmony be restored between Great Britain & the 
United States equally honorable & beneficial to both' — I am just returned 
from attending the annual agricultural meetings of the Duke of Bedford 
at Woburn ; & of Mr Coke at Holkham ; both attended by many of the 
first nobility & gentry in the kingdom — At the first a universal desire was 
expressed to preserve peace with the United States — at the latter a senti- 
ment of that kind was drank by 340 persons at table ; on this occasion 

181 



appenMi 

partaking of the hospitality of Mr Coke among whom were the Duke of 
Bedford, Sir John Sinclair, Sir Joseph Banks, ect — Mr Coke has pre- 
sented me with a new improved drilling machine, which he makes use of 
himself, & thinks its being introduced among us, it will be a benefit to 
the United States — As to public affairs I am a stranger to what is passing 
between Mr Pinkney & Marquis Wellesley. As a private citizen I have 
not thought it proper to enquire into the negotiation — But as your friend 
I have considered it my duty to remove some prejudices respecting your 
attachment to France & that you would rather make a sacrifice to France, 
than to seek peace with England. I have also expressed an earnest desire, 
that the remaining shadow of the orders in council should be removed, to 
ensure the success of the negotiation so auspiciously commenced between 

the two governments — 

" accept assurances 

" of my esteem & friendship 

"Geo. Logan." 

(Z*/-. Logan to James Madison, President of the United States.') 

" New York, Feb.y 19th iSio. 

" My dear Sir, — Since my arrival here, I have had a conversation 
with Mr Jackson. Whilst he regrets his being dismissed ; he assures me, 
that he does not consider it will be a cause of rupture with his govern- 
ment ; and that his representations to his court, have been to allay, not 
increase the present unhappy difficulties between the two countries — 
Whilst in Philadelphia he had an opportunity of seeing the wealth, in- 
dustry and extensive internal commerce of that State, and I am satisfied 
from his observations respecting the United States, that he considers our 
friendship of importance to his country — 

" I expect to embark in the morning. Accept assurances of my 

esteem and friendship 

" Geo. Logan." 

{£)r. Logan to James Afadison, President of the United States.) 

"Stenton December 17th 181 1. 
"Dear Sir, — Every friend of the civilized world must contemplate 
with deep regret the melancholy spectacle of discord & disorder which 
the present barbarous system of commercial warfare has introduced. 

182 



Hppcnbii 

Flourishing states in place of striving together in industry, in science & 
in policy are sneakingly engaged in destroying the domestic comforts of 
the most destitute of mankind. It is to little purpose to inquire by 
whose fault such a state of things has been brought about ; all that is 
now necessary is to impress on the citizens of the United States a just 
abhorrence of that spirit of revenge which has unhappily broke out & 
which has cast so deep a stain on the character & policy of modern times 
— of the evils brought upon the world by this system, there can be no 
doubt — commerce has been deranged & discouraged — every sort of ob- 
stacle has been thrown in the way of industry & improvement, & all 
those who depend for a subsistence on trade have been exposed to severe 
suffering — The merchant has been distressed — in many cases ruined — 
the farmer impoverished — and the labourer deprived of employment, has 
been disabled from providing by his industry for himself and his de- 
pendent family — These are the glories of this new system of hostility, 
which has converted war from a chivalrick and generous contest between 
fleets & armies into a paltry & cruel attack on the most destitute. When 
we see the rulers of nations — the natural guardians of human happiness, 
so quietly acquiescing in the misery of mankind and under the pretext of 
great national objects playing the game of their own little passions & 
prejudices, is there not some reason to doubt whether any Sentiment of 
pity for the numerous train of helpless sufferers who are ruined by their 
measures, ever touches their breasts ? they are surely not ignorant that 
the great body of mankind live by their labour, & that in every interrup- 
tion to the settled course of industry, large classes of men are thrown 
idle & plunged into all the anxiety incident to so perplexing a situation 
— This is itself a great evil, & a serious objection to the policy of the 
measure — for sound policy will never be found at variance with hu- 
manity ; & there is no quality which is so desirable in a statesman as a 
quick sensibility to the sufferings of his fellow creatures, whether con- 
sidered vdth a view to its own intrinsic excellence, or as the decided 
mark of an exalted intellect. It is an indisputable axiom of sound 
policy, that where any measure is to produce evils certain immediate & 
extensive, we ought to be well assured that its remoter effects will far 
outweigh its present inconveniencies — This is precisely the vulnerable 

183 



appcn&ti 

point of all those schemes which have been projected for the annoyance 
of commerce. 

" It is a fact deserving the serious attention of the statesman, that the 
French decrees, British orders in council, & the commercial warfare of 
the United States, besides inflicting on these several nations the disgrace 
of an inhuman & dishonourable warfare are operating more to injure their 
own individual prosperity than to destroy their enemy. 

" As to the actual declaration of war against Great Britain, it is an 
affair that requires the most mature consideration. I trust you will not 
give up your own sound judgment to the clamours of a few individuals 
amongst us men as destitute of honour, as of genuine patriotism. If we 
investigate the motives of these men, we shall find them influenced by 
restless ambition or desperate fortune ; breathing the factious spirit of 
party, not the universal spirit of publick good. 

"The republican form of our government & the nature of our popu- 
lation in the southern states, should engage us as a Nation at this momentous 
crisis of the world to avoid a state of war, even supported by the most 
just resentment. But why is it necessary that we should pass thro war to 
arrive at peace ? The situation of the United States is by no means so 
desperate as to preclude the hope of an amicable settlement with Great 
Britain, the happy termination of which will do you honour as a statesman, 
& will be a blessing to your country. To these considerations permit me 
to add that you have an established reputation to support. The fame you 
so justly acquired in promoting the liberties of your country & in estab- 
lishing the present happy form of government of the United States, 
should now engage you as chief magistrate to make use of your influence 
to prevent war ; by which both may be endangered. 

"I beg you not to consider this letter as presuming to instruct — but as 
the strongest testimony of my friendship. 

" accept assurances 

' ' of my sincere respect 

"Geo. Logan." 



184 



appendix 



(^Dr. Logan to Hon. James Monroe, Secretary of State.) 

"Stbnton Nov. loth 1811 
" My dear Friend, — Accept my thanks for your polite attention in 
forwarding to me the President's message — The gloomy aspect it gives of 
the situation of the United States with respect to our foreign relations, 
must fill the mind of every genuine American with distress ; & par- 
ticularly so, as there is too much reason to believe that the national council 
to which the message is addressed, & to which we are to look for national 
prosperity ; is composed of many individuals of contracted & prejudiced 
minds. Such characters meet in congress not calmly to discuss the most 
important national subjects submitted to their consideration, but merely 
to act according to what they call the public opinion of the district they 
represent ; which in times of commotion like the present, is but a general 
mode of expression, which every one applies to his own private opinion, 
& to that of his party, without any regard to truth, justice, & the nature 
of things. A wise &l vigorous administration does not follow but leads 
public opinion : & it almost always happens that the governed find in the 
end, that the opinion of the administration is far better than the innumer- 
able clashing opinions which demagogues call the general opinion — This 
was amply verified in the decision of Genl Washington on Jays treaty. 
No act of the President at this alarming crisis would afford greater satis- 
faction to the citizens of the United States than his announcing to con- 
gress his determination to send a mission to England, in order to make a 
final effort to restore peace & harmony, on terms equally honourable & 
beneficial to both countries — Should an attempt so honourable to the ad- 
ministration, fail, owing to the folly & obstinacy of the British Govern- 
ment ; the effort would unite our own citizens to meet future calamities 
with the united strength of our whole population. In any future negoti- 
ation with G. Britain, let both governments banish petty views, jealousy, 
& half way measures — adopting a liberal upright policy — a common in- 
terest will urge both nations to a sincere reconciliation ; particularly when 
we contemplate the fatal dissolution of Europe, at this moment Suffering 
under a military despot — divested of all antient ties, of all reciprocal 
attachments & fidelity, of all natural & political relationship, & of all 
13 18s 



HppcnMr 

public & national spirit — Whatever measures Congress may think proper 
to adopt ; I hope they will relinquish the present dastardly & infamous 
commercial warfare, in which the disinterested patriotism of the brave 
soldier to defend his country, is converted into a cowardly sneeking attack 
on the domestic comforts of the poor manufacturer. 

" Mrs Logan unites with me in best respects to yourself & family. 
" accept assurances of my esteem 

Geo. Logan. 
" Hon J. Monroe 

" Secretary of State" 

(^Dr. Logan to James Madison.) 

Stenton March 31 1812. 

" Dear Sir, — Altho not in public life, I feel with the deepest anguish, 
the progress of events passing before my eyes, and in an alarming degree 
threatening the peace of my country. 

" We appear to be approaching a crisis in our affairs, which calls for the 
whole wisdom of our councils — I allude to the contemplated invasion of 
Canada — a subject every rational citizen regards with horror. 

" Perhaps you may ask, why I trouble you who have so much important 
business on your hands, with my political opinions ? Because I am your 
friend, & because as chief magistrate, invested with immense power, re- 
specting our foreign relations, it rests with you to restore peace & pros- 
perity to our distracted country — No period of time was ever more 
propitious than the present to preserve peace between the United States & 
Great Britain. The Prince of Wales has just come to the throne — he is 
in his political principles a decided Whig— his associates have always 
been the friends of the United States ; in opposition to the contracted 
views of his father — A respectable mission sent to England to congratu- 
late him on the event ; & at the same time by amicable discussion to point 
out the mutual interest of both countries to preserve peace. Would en- 
able you at the meeting of congress in December next to submit to the 
consideration of Senate a treaty honourable to yourself & beneficial to 
your country — I speak with confidence derived from personal conver- 
sations, when lately in England, with men of all parties & in every 
situation of life. 

186 



HppcnMi 

. "We have had sufficient experience of the total failure & ill effects of 
recrimination & retaliation— even supported by the partiality of many of 
the most distinguished characters in England — 

" Proceed to the invasion of Canada, or adopt any other hostile measure 
favourable to France ; & you will unite every man in Great Britain against 
you. 

"It is not my business decisively to blame or excuse the pretexts, urged 
by either contending party. I know that every one's own cause appears 
the most just. I only desire that before we involve our country in the 
miseries of war ; We should adopt measures of the most sincere pacifi- 
cation not only to Satisfy our own minds, but such as will justify us in the 
opinion of the present & future generations — Let us remove from the 
path of peace every hostile act — Let us negotiate with candour, frankness, 
& forbearance becoming the republican character. 

" The crisis will not admit of frivolous ceremony or procrastination — I 
address you in th'& language of a friend, and in the spirit of a free citizen. 
I conjure you as you value your future peace of mind, and the liberties of 
your country over which you preside not to lose a moment in restoring the 
peace happiness & prosperity of our beloved country. 

" May God give you wisdom & firmness of mind in this day of trial. 

" accept assurances 

" of my friendship 

"Geo. Logan 

" Hon Jas. Madison 

' ' Fresident (j. S." 



{Dr. Logan to James Madison, President.') 

" Stenton January i8th 1813. 
" Dear Sir, — An editorial notice in the National Intelligencer, ' that it 
was intended to introduce into the Legislature a proposition for excluding 
by law, foreign seamen from the public & private vessels of the United 
States;' gives general satisfaction to your fellow citizens. A few indi- 
viduals among us, influenced by the basest motives, may censure every act 
of the Government calculated to restore peace and prosperity to our dis- 

187 



appen^iI 

traded country — the clamours of such profligate characters, should not 
for a moment influence our public councils. 

"I consider the contemplated law consistent with justice, sound policy 
& national honour ; and therefore wish you to have the merit of recom- 
mending it to the attention of Congress — From my conversation with 
members of different political opinions, during my late visit to Washing- 
ton. I am satisfied, it will be supported by a great majority of both 
Houses, particularly if proposed by yourself, as a measure of peace, on 
which you may negotiate a treaty of friendship & commerce with Great 
Britain. Notwithstanding some unfavourable appearances ; a peace may 
yet be obtained between the United States & Great Britain equally honour- 
able & beneficial to both countries. I speak on this subject with con- 
fidence, founded on intimate conversations with men of all parties & in 
every situation of life, when last in England. Their best informed men 
acknowledged that it is not the interest of their country to be at war with 
the United States — Should the war be protracted, & the American nation, 
after years of blood shed & devastation become conquerors, cui bono ? I 
appeal to your own accurate knowledge of history ; What miseries 
were inflicted on Sweden, by the mad ambition of Charles XII. & on 
France by the conquests of Louis XIV. In the fatal war of 1756, France 
lost great part of the flower of its youth, more than half its current 
money of the Kingdom — its navy, commerce & credit. It was believed, 
it was very easy to have prevented all these misfortunes, by friendly 
negotiation. But some ambitious persons to make themselves necessary 
& important, plunged France into this fatal war. 

"A great statesman will banish war; generally terminating in the 
mutual destruction of Nations — miserable motives of policy, which sub- 
stitute vengeance, hatred, jealousy & cupidity ; to those divine precepts 
which constitute the true glory & happiness of nations. 
' ' accept assurances 

" of my friendship 

" Geo. Logan" 



APPENDIX VII 

Copies of Ubree Xetters from Colonel Xlimotbg BMcftertng 
to Dr. ©eorge Xogan 

" Washington May 26th 1813. 
" Dear Sir, — You will observe that the Russian mediation is a promi- 
nent feature in the President's message of yesterday. It is at the same 
time apparent that he does not entertain even a hope of its successful 
issue. One inference from his statement is certain — that the British gov- 
ernment knows nothing of it. And is it credible that the Emperor of 
Russia would offer his mediation without first consulting that government 
and ascertaining that his Friendly interposition would be accepted ? 
When he and his intelligent ministers with whom he would advise, must 
know that the rejection of such proffered mediation, however well 
founded that rejection, would furnish a new ground of clamour on the 
part of the American administration, against the great and friendly power 
united with him in most important operations against a common enemy ? 
And, when, too, that friend lay directly in his way, and three thousand 
miles nearer to him than the United States? — Yet the President says the 
offer of this mediation was ' formally communicated from his imperial 
majesty ;' and that it was ' immediately accepted." But I have witnessed 
so many misrepresentations and unfounded assertions of Mr Madisons, 
that I do not feel myself under any obligation to believe him in this 
instance. Your information given me last Wednesday morning, in Phila- 
delphia, satisfied me that Dashkoff's overture, in the name of his master, 
originated in your ardent desire of peace, urging you to press upon him 
the making of that offer : and the declaration of Mr Wagner, in the 
Federal Republican, that the offer was in the first instance rejected, 
equally satisfies me that the President's assertion that ' the offer was im- 
mediately accepted' is not true. Now, my dear sir, I pray you to favour 
me, and as speedily as you can, with a plain statement of the facts in the 
case, as they occurred between you and Mr. Dashkoff: for above all 



HppenMi 

things I am solicitous that my whole conduct should be gmded by Truth : 
because it is among the highest duties, and the express injunction of our 
religion, that ' every man speak the truth to his neighbour : ' and because 
my only hope of our political reformation and consequent salvation of 
our country, rests on the strict adherence of its real advocates and sup- 
porters to Truth. 

"There are many reasons why Mr Madison finally seized on Dash- 
kofTs overtures, without any expectation of the Russian mediation pro- 
ducing peace : — Such as the increasing opposition to the war, especially in 
the Northern States ; the delaj-s in the first loan, and the actual failure of 
the last, imtill three foreigners, tempted by an usurious interest, imperti- 
nently interfered, and in form (I have reason to doubt the reality as to 
the whole deficit of nine Millions) took up the greater portion of it ; — the 
known repugnance of the pieople, esjiecially in the states eager for the 
war, to the payment of internal taxes, and the equal fear in their repre- 
sentatives to impose them ; the advantage to be derived from a rejection 
of the mediation by G: Britain which seems eridently to have been ap- 
prehended — which Mr Madison would too well know how to convert into a 
fresh stimulus to popular resentment, and a new motive for prosecuting the 
war ; — and, at all events, the time he would gain to wait the issue of the 
present Campaign, when it would be seen whether his congenial associate 
in the war would remain in a state of depression, or be able to drive back 
the Russians ' to their fiightful climate, ' and conformably to either issue, 
enable him to regulate his conduct towards Great Britain ; and in the 
mean time the expected patience of the people soothed by this prospect 
of peace, still longer to bear the calamities of war : — These considera- 
tions are abundantly sufficient to account for the Presidents finally accept- 
ing DashkofiTs proferred mediation of Russia. 

"Altho' the President expressly recommends the laying of internal 
taxes, and the administration majority have given too many proofe of 
their subserviency to the wishes of the executive, to admit a doubt of 
their disposition to comply in this case ; yet when that subserviancy 
would put in extreme jeopardy their own popularity, — their obedience 
may well be questioned. I am informed that they are diWded in their 
■views, and the opinion of some of the most discerning federalists is, that 

190 



HppcnMi 

notwithstanding the sole avowed object of our meeting here was to lay 

internal taxes, Congress will rise without imposing them ; preferring to 

lay, by further loans intoUerable burthens on the next and succeeding 

generations, to the rendering themselves and their unprincipled man 

popular. 

" I am, dear Sir 

" faithfully yours, 

" Timothy Pickering 
" George Logan Esqr" 

"City of Washington, Jany 29 1S14. 

" Dear Sir, — When I first saw in the newspapers the extract from Mr 
Jefferson's letter of Oct. 7th to you, I pronounced it to be genuine : but at 
the same time said it gave me no evidence that he really rejoiced at the Rus- 
sian victories : — and I added, that the sole motive for his expressing the 
sentiment to you was — in expectation that you would publish it to repel 
the charge on him and his party, ' that they were under French influ- 
ence' and this was precisely the inference made to me a few days since by 
one of the majority, when the same sentiment of Mr Jeffersons was read 
to him from another of his letters written long before — ' You see (said the 
Member) that Mr Jefferson is no more under French influence than you 
are.' 

" And now, my dear sir, what will you think of your former old Friend 
Jefferson, on reading the following which I recite from memory but sub- 
stantially, and I am sure nearly in the words of a letter dated the 24th 
Instant, written by a distinguished citizen of Virginia to his friend in the 
Senate, which I read but half an hour ago : 

" ' With in six or eight weeks past, Mr Jefferson has \\Titten a letter to a 
gentleman in the South of Virginia, containing sentiments directly oppo- 
site to those expressed in his letter to Dr Logan, I k 11010 it. 

" ' Many years ago I denounced Mr Jefferson as the Arirk Hypocrite : 
and to some Clergymen with whom I was conversing I added, That I 
never felt the force of our Saviour's denunciation " Wo unto you scribes 
and Pharisees hypocrites" — four or five times repeated, untill I knew Mr 
Jefferson : for hypocrisy was a mark for every vice and crime which 
wicked men commit.' 

191 



appenbii 

"I have received a letter or two from you not particularly acknowl- 
edged. I shall be glad on my way home to see you, and to read Jefferson's 
letter of Oct. 3d which you kindly offer for my perusal. 
" Your assured friend 

"Timothy Pickering 
" Dr. Logan." 

" City of Washington, Feby 24, 1816. 

"Dear Sir, — Yesterday I received your letter of the 19th inclosing 
the Copy of Yours to Mr Jefferson bearing date the isth of last October. 
I am gratified by the frankness manifested in your repeated communica- 
tions to me. I have long been convinced of your ardent love of Peace, 
as essentially related to the best interests of your country and to man. To 
secure those interests it required more public virtue than belongs to the 
leaders who have governed the United States for the last fifteen years. 
All the evils which have afflicted the country during that period, and for the 
preceding years as far back as to the commencement of the opposition to 
the measures of Genl Washington's administration, may be traced to your 
professed Friend Thomas Jefferson, as their main source. But for him his 
successor might have remained, what he was once called, ' the virtuous 
and amiable Madison.' I once heard Mr Jefferson speak in very high 
terms of the late Patrick Henry of Virginia, particularly as master of the 
most commanding eloquence he ever knew. General Washington also 
entertained a high opinion of Mr Henry. It is not two weeks since, 
dining with some of my respected friends in Alexandria, one of them 
stated, that Patrick Henry said he could forgive Mr. Jefferson every thing 
but his corrupting Mr Madison. Meaning, certainly, that this among his 
misdeeds, was peculiarly mischievous and criminal. 

"Jefferson soon discovered the force of Hamilton's superior genius; 
and envy filled his breast. He perceived the weight of his opinions in the 
Councils of Washington and believed that Hamilton stood in the way of 
his ambition. Artful and unprincipled, he could select, especially in 
Congress, the instruments of his ambition without their perceiving that 
he had any other object in view than his countrys freedom and wellfare. 
Some others were set to work, because no Principle stood in the way of their 

192 



HppenMi 

conforming to his views, and implicitly obeying his dictates. A part were 
mercenaries, and content with their wages. To others prospective but 
greater rewards were most alluring : — all expecting honorary or lucrative 
offices, or to share in the exercise of the ruling power. 

"The Government had been organized not more than two years when 
Mr Jefferson set up the National Gazette, in the name of Philip Freneau. 
This man had some talents, and he was poor ; and pliant enough to direct 
those talents in the course Mr Jefferson should require. At that time 
George Taylor was chief Clerk in the department of State. He had been 
employed by the able, excellent, and upright Jay, while Secretary of for- 
eign affairs under the Old Congress, and was a competent translator of the 
French (and I believe also of the Spanish language) As such, and as a 
faithful Clerk, Mr Jay recommended him to Mr Jefferson, when the latter 
was appointed Secretary of State. Jefferson received him as a Clerk : but 
made Freneau translator of the French language, not large indeed, but 
sufficient in that day to pay his board ; $200 a year Freneau was but an 
indifferent translator. Besides, to perform his task effectually and at all 
times, would withdraw him too much from his useful labours in conducting 
the National Gazette. To lessen this interuption, Jefferson himself would 
join Taylor in performing the drudgery of translating. 

The direct object of the National Gazette was to undermine President 
Washington's Administration. Its effect however was limited. The 
public mind had not then been sufficiently contaminated : and the Na- 
tional Gazette sunk for want of the sufficient support of an adequate sub- 
scription. The labours of the chief miner, however were not intermitted, 
and the measures indispensable to retrieving the public credit and pro- 
viding for the sacred debt of the Revolution, which it was the duty of 
Hamilton to devise and propose, furnished topics enough for popular 
clamour, of which Jefferson and his adherents made the most mischievous 
use. And this was easy to accomplish : because no public acts are so 
odious as those which impose New Taxes. Instead of endeavouring like 
an honest man and good citizen, to allay the popular ferment; Jefferson 
rejoiced. Of this we have the evidence under his own hand, in one of his 
letters to Callender, which, in Jefferson's own hand-writing I have repeat- 
edly read. ' Such papers,' he said (he was mentioning the ' Prospect before 

193 



appendix 

us') 'would enlighten the public mind, and the tax-gatherers will do the 
rest.' The appointing of Gallatin secretary of the Treasury furnishes addi- 
tional proof It was an outrage on all decency as well as on the claims of 
native Americans, to commit the care and management of our finances to 
this foreigner and notorious and chief Instigator of the Whiskey Rebel- 
lion. The assured Repeal of the Whiskey and other internal taxes 
accompanied by other acts of demagogues, made Mr Jefferson the Presi- 
dent of the United States. 

"The violent and unprincipled opposition to Mr Jays Treaty cannot 
be forgotten by any one who lived in that day, and was at all conversant 
in public transactions. Few have traced it to its source. Probably most 
have resolved it into a popular Frenzy which sometimes agitates the mul- 
titude without any adequate cause. 

" You know that the Treaty of Peace of 17S3 (for the extensive bene- 
fits of which we are chiefly indebted to that eminent Statesman and in- 
flexibly honest man Mr Jay) contained a stipulation, that there should 
be no legal impediment to the recovery of debts due on either side, prior 
to the war thereby terminated. The object of this stipulation, tho' re- 
ciprocal in terms, every one knows was to enable the British merchants 
to recover their Bona-fide debts due from our Citizens especially in the 
middle and Southern States, of which Virginia was the chief. But legal 
impediments were interposed ; above all by Virginia. This caused the 
British Government to hold the frontier ports, and this became another 
topic for popular clamour, particularly as it was connected, in the public 
mind, with the distressing Indian War. 

" It is now two years since John Francis Mercer, formerly a member of 
the Old as well as the New Congress, told Me, That prior to the Treaty 
of Peace with Britain, which was negociated in the autumn of 1782, 
The Legislature of Virginia instructed their delegates in Congress, to 
consent to No Peace containing a stipulation to pay the debts due to the 
British merchants, which debts had been paid (tho' in depreciated paper) 
into the Treasury of Virginia. Mercer was one of those Delegates, and 
being a young man (such was his apology) he obeyed his Instructions ; 
while his Colleagues voted for the ratification. 

" In consequence of the Legal Impediments (that is impediments 
194 



HppenMi 

created by State Laws) the British debts remained unpaid in some of the 
states — eminently so in Virginia. Now when in 1794 President Wash- 
ington and his enlightened and upright friends & Counsellors, judged it 
for the best Interest of the United States, as well as the demand of 
humanity, that in the first instance an attempt should be made to adjust 
all our differences (New and Old) with G. Britain, by amicable negotia- 
tion ; when every man of common sense and common honesty saw and 
felt, that at the time we should require from that country reparation for 
wrongs, indemnity for unwarrantable depredations on our commerce, and 
a surrender of the frontier posts, for ten years withheld, — we should be 
willing and offer to do justice in return : it was plain that Great Britain 
would require a fresh stipulation to pay the debts due to her Merchants, 
as an indispensable condition of any treaty with the United States. 
Doubtless it was the full and certain expectation of this reciprocal 
demand that rendered the Virginian oppositionists particularly averse to 
the proposed negotiation. Monroe was then a Senator from Virginia. 
He said, IVc want no treaty : let us have war. This fact was related to 
me by Governor Strong, then a senator from Massachusetts : and there 
lives not a man of more perfect veracity. 

"When once General Washington was satisfied of the correctness and 
utility of a measure no opposition could deter him from its adoption. 
Mr Jay sacrificing all other considerations to his country's good, ac- 
cepted the Mission ; anticipating the impossibility of forming any treaty 
which in the actual state of things, should be universally acceptable ; 
expecting indeed (as I have been assured) the very unpopularity which 
followed the result. He was obliged to renew the stipulation relative to 
British debts. And because the delay of so many years giving space for 
numerous deaths and bankruptcies of Debtors, would certainly in numer- 
ous cases defeat the honest claims of the British Creditors, it was but 
right and just that the United States the party bound to fulfill the stipu- 
lations of the treaty of peace, should be responsible for all failures 
arising out of those unwarrantable delays. Mr Jay's treaty properly 
pledged this eventual responsibility. 

"The treaty arrived, and two thirds of the Senate (the constitutional 
Majority) advised its ratification. It would be too tedious nor indeed 

195 



Hppcnbii 

have I time, now to detail to you the circumstances that delayed the 
final ratification of the President. Suffice it to say, that it was Ratified 
in August 1795. The Senate gave their advice in May. The unfortunate 
interval was industriously employed by the opposition party (You will 
recollect the baseness of Stephens Thompson Mason, the Virginian Senator, 
in giving the substance of the Treaty to Bache to publish) in stirring up 
the uninformed multitude from Maine to Georgia, to clamour and vio- 
lently condemn the Treaty ; assuredly in confident hope that General 
Washington might be deterred or dissuaded from its ratification. In 
this opposition the influence of Virginia is conspicuous. She had once 
resisted successfully the payment of British debts : for there was then no 
controul over State power and Sovereignty. Now the case was altered. 
The Courts of the United States would cause Justice to be done. Their 
authority was not to be evaded without open rebellion. It was therefore 
all important to prevent the ratification of tlie Treaty : and not succeeding 
in this, its execution must be prevented, by withholding the necessary 
legislative provisions. You will recollect the final issue. Mr Jefferson, 
when President, authorized Mr King to compromise the dispute respect- 
ing British debts, by stipulating that the United States, should pay a 
certain sum in full of all demands against the individual debtors. This 
sum was _;^6oo,ooo. Sterling, or $2,664,000. and this you know was 
paid ; and principally by those states northward of Virginia whose Citi- 
zens had honestly paid their own debts to the British merchants ; The 
Lords of the Ancient Dominion finally getting rid of the just demands 
upon them, by paying a small share of the whole debt. 

" Mr Jefferson having attained the object of his ambition — the Presi- 
dency of the United States, He, by a constant abuse of power brought 
upon the Nation all the calamities which you and I have witnessed. He 
might have renewed Mr Jay's treaty, which had e.xpired in consequence 
of the peace of Amiens. The British Government made the offer. He 
rejected it. He by his partisans (Madison among them) had violently 
opposed that treaty. Their //-/V/^ was then opposed to its renewal. But 
mark the cunning of the man. Monroe was instructed (this appeared in 
the public documents laid before Congress in 1808) to propose to the 
British Government, that altho' he could not renew the Treaty of Mr 

196 



appent)ii 

Jay, it should nevertheless continue to regulate the intercourse between 
the two nations. This was to be effected by an 'Understanding!' — 
Jefferson forbade the concluding of any treaty with Great Britain, unless 
it contained a formal stipulation against impressments; because he knew 
with moral certainty, that the British Government would not and could 
not enter into such a stipulation. He knew at the same time, from their 
overweaning confidence in him, and the aid of his partisans, that the 
People would easily be made to beleive that British Pride and British 
injustice alone prevented the forming of an amicable treaty. So he kept 
up the farce of an amicable negotiation, until Monroe and Pinkney, 
thinking if they obtained the substance they need not stick in \h^form, 
concluded a treaty, but the former stipulation was wanting, and he sent 
the treaty back, without deigning to lay it before the Senate, least they 
(obsequious as they generally were) should, upon the whole, approve and 
advise its ratification. 

"The next fatal measure was his indefinite embargo — recommended on 
pretences which he knew to be unfounded and false ; but which was to 
co-operate with Bonaparte's Continental system, and be commensurate 
with it. It was the completion of that system ; whose object was the 
ruin of the British Commerce, and with that, of British power. But 
tame and submissive as they had been to his oppressive measures, the 
People could not long endure this wanton suspension of their lawful pur- 
suits, which were indispensible to their ordinary support. I must correct 
myself: — the people did long — far too long, bear this act of tyranny; — 
it was the length of fifteen months, and then it gave way to another 
abominably oppressive measure — non Intercourse with the British Do- 
minions — only less oppressive than the Embargo. The residue of the 
restrictive system I will forbear to mention. It was persevered in by 
his faithful Coadjutor and successor, and terminated in the late glorious 
war ; as they and their partisans have the folly and impudence to call it. 
By the way — having determined on War, the invasion of Canada was a 
measure of absolute necessity : for base and wicked as Madison and his 
prime Counsellors were, they could not have stood up in new of the 
monstrous absurdity of volantarily declaring war, and then of acting only 
on the defensive. 

197 



HppenMi 

" The war has come to an end — but not its mischievous effects. Be- 
sides the monstrous increase of corruption and a war -debt of a hundred 
millions, we are now saddled with an army of ten-thousand men, for a per- 
manent peace establishment. And as if this were not enough, the Presi- 
dent and his minions wish to increase it, by a corps of Invalids of two 
thousand more. And they are conjuring up all sorts of political Hobgob- 
lins to alarm Members of Congress, and the people thro' them, to favour 
and keep up such large army establishments. And this, (after so long a 
preamble) brings me to your notice of Mr Jeffersons last letter to you, 
in which you say ' Even he appears apprehensive of danger from the 
combined powers ; sensible perhaps that we have not acted towards some 
of them with Justice and good faith.' That our conduct has been thus 
abominably unjust and perfidious, they cannot fail to see : but we are 
too far removed from their European dominions to give them any concern 
for them, and as to those of them who have colonies in America, such as 
are insular are perfectly safe against any attempts from the United States. 
It is in our power to invade only the colonies of Great Britain and Spain, 
certainly Great Britain cannot contemplate a new war : with such a dis- 
position she would not have made peace : and peace at a time when she 
had an immense disposable force, naval and military : such a military 
force as she will probably never have another occasion to bring forth. 
And from Spain we have nothing to fear, her home dominion is but a 
little more populous than the United States, is miserably poor and feeble, 
under a weak monarch governed by a rabble of Priests, or of nobles not 
less contemptable. While her colonies are in all quarters in arms against 
her, Spain will take care not to offend us : tho' we have outrageously 
injured and insulted her ; and this too under her deepest distress — while 
oppressed and over-run by the armies of Bonaparte. Further, I enter- 
tain no doubt that the maritime powers of Europe, and particularly Great 
Britain, really would rejoice to see Spanish America independent of the 
mother country, and thus open to the introduction of their manufactures, 
and to their reception of its rich productions in return. 

"Depend upon it, my dear Sir, when such men as Jefferson and 
Madison, and their leading adherents, talk of danger from the combined 
powers ; or from Britain and Spain ; their only object is to excite an 



appenbii 

allarm among the people, and render them patient under the increased 
and increasing burthens of large and unnecessary military establishments 
and expensive projects. 

"To the notices of Jefferson's corruption from the commencement of 
the Government under the Constitution, let me add the notorious instance 
of his obtaining the Presidency in preference to Burr,* by the lure of 
offices to some members of the House of Representatives who held the 
Votes of States. Claiborne of Tennessee was appointed Governor of the 
Mississippi Territory ; Linn was made supervisor of the Revenues in New 
Jersey, and Livingston was appointed District Attorney of New York, in 
which he had an oppertunity of embezzling from seventy to a hundred 
thousand dollars of the public money ; which is not repaid to this day : And 
after Jefferson had by military violence dispossessed him of the Batture at 
New Orleans and he petitioned Congress to cause him to be reinstated — he 
told Congress in his Petition or Memorial, that unless the Batture were re- 
stored, he should never be able to pay the money he owed to the United 
States ! What was to be expected from an Administration thus ' con- 
ceived in sin and brought forth in iniquity?' When formerly in the 
Senate with Mr Giles, I remember saying to him, that Mr Jefferson was the 
worst man (the author of the most evil) in the United States. He 
ascribed this opinion to my prejudice. But I judged him by his actions, 
which I could not mistake. For a man of Mr Giles's very superior intel- 
ligence and sagacity, he asked me a very shallow question — ' What motive 
could Mr Jefferson have to act the character you impute to him ?' — I 
might ask, in reply — What influenced Csesar, & Cromwell and Buona- 
parte, in their public acts ? Ambition — with much indifference as to the 

* " This is uncandid : — The Federalists knew themselves that the People did not vote 
for Burr with any other view but for the vice Presidency, tho' his majority of votes (acci- 
dental in most instances, and artfully given in others) opened a view to his ambition of 
which he would gladly have availed himself, had he seen a possibility of success. But 
he knew that his artful intrigues would not avail against the expressed voice of the pub- 
lic. A Gentleman of Congress with whom he had held a very tampering conversation, 
told him, after admitting some of the Premises that he had advanced to be true, ' And 
yet. Sir, there is one word which will undo all this.' He asked what word ? The 
member replied ' Usurper,' and the conversation was ended." 

199 



appenbii 

means of gratifying it. What governed the actions of a Borgia and a 
Cataline ? and to descend from higher life, Why are there any highway- 
men, thieves and robbers ? How much better would all such men have 
consulted their ease and happiness, had they repressed their inordinate 
ambition and profusion, or forsaking idleness and vice, have sought, what 
they could not fail of obtaining, a comfortable subsistence by a course of 
honest industry ? 

" You doubtless know that many enlightened men, attentive observers 
of public characters, entertain the same opinion of Mr Jefferson that I 
have expressed. Two of my highly respectable Friends, Members of 
Congress, lately told me, that a year ago, or more, when John Randolph 
was at George-town, he said, in their presence, that Thomas (or Tom) 
Jefferson was one of the greatest scoundrels that remained unhung.' 

"It is now past eleven oclock at night, and I am weary of writing this 
inordinately long letter, which imposes on you such a task to read, also to 
weariness. The same wearisome length likewise forbids my taking a 
copy, altho' it contains some details and sentiments which I never before 
committed to paper, and which I would willingly keep by me ; to save me 
the trouble of future recollection — or of loss from forgetfulness. 

"I have many more things to say, but which I must omit. Your 
letter to Mr Jefferson is positively a severe satire on his whole adminis- 
tration. His appointments to office have been in constant violation of 
those just principles which you mention as proper to govern the chief 
magistrate ; because essential to the true interests of his country. His 
enquiry was not, who is honest, capable and faithful ; but who is most 
industrious and influential in supporting my measures and the interests of 
my party ? Hence honest and capable men, many of them heroes of the 
Revolution, were turned out, to make room for his devoted partisans, 
many of them notoriously worthless and unprincipled. And apostates 
were sure to be rewarded. He did not remove all federalists at once — 
this in the beginning of his administration, would have shocked even 
democracy itself This course has been dilligently followed up by his 
successor ; until not five, perhaps not two offices of any consequence 
remain in the hands of federalists. I can recollect indeed but one, 
William EUery of Rhode Island, who was in the old Congress with 



appenbii 

Jefferson, and signed the Declaration of Independence. He is Collector 
of Newport and was long since expected to die — being now about 90 
years old, tho' his mind is still vigorous. As to the Emperor Alexander's 
being a Republican according to la Harpe ; if he means that Alexander 
would wish to introduce a republican form of Government into his own 
dominions, the idea is ridiculous. If Alexander ever supposed that his 
mixed subjects of Lords and slaves, and spreading over a world, and com- 
prising various nations, could be usefully or even at all governed in the 
form of a Republic, he must be a very weak man. But that he consults, 
as the Father of his country, the real welfare of his subjects I am inclined 
to believe : And in this sense he may be a Republican, conformably to 
the original meaning of the word. But with the applause bestowed on 
' Alexander the Deliverer' (in which I joined with my most respected 
Friends and fellow citizens) I could not forget his seizing the best 
province of Sweeden (Finland) and adding it to his boundless dominions. 
And this too in connection with the monster Buonaparte, after the Peace 
of Tilsit. It was the rich Master of a numerous flock seizing the poor 
mans single ewe-lamb. At the late general Peace that Province should 
have been restored ; especially as the Sweedish arms were united with 
those of the great coalesced powers in reducing and expelling the tyrant, 
and placing them in a condition to put the injured, plundered and op- 
pressed nations in possession of their Rights. 

"Even the people of our own country, my dear sir, have not virtue 
enough to maintain a Republican Government. Proceeding from Jeffer- 
son and Madison corruption pervades every part of it, our Elections are 
no longer free. No man who holds an office or seeks for one, dare vote 
but in conformity to the views of the administration. All public offices 
are set up for sale to the best bidder. Let me be understood : There are 
two modes of traffic ; one in ready money ; one by barter. Candidates 
for offices praise and support the measures of the governing faction, right 
or wrong. They are stump-orators — tavern and Beer-house orators — and 
industrious electioneering partisans. Some barter their consciences and all 
their votes. The Election of the President and Vice President has 
become a farce. The Constitution forbids the intrusion of Members of 
Congress as Electors : yet these very Members make the president and 
14 201 



appenbii 

vice president. Turn your eye too to the great state of New York, and 
view the recent proceedings of her house of Representatives, where cor- 
ruption stalked — shamefully stalked, in open day. I refer to the conduct 
of the Administration party to secure to themselves the Council of ap- 
pointment. 

"What then is to be done? Give up the Republic in despair? No. 
Resist the torrent altho' you cannot stop its course. You may impede, 
tho' you cannot effectually stay its progress to destruction. Our first 
Magistrate is not the ruler of the nation, but the Chief of a Party whose 
interest is always preferred to that of the country. But a truce to painful 
animadversions. Without important reforms of which I see little pros- 
pect, because the defect is radical in the fountain of power the People — 
the Republic will hardly last your day, or even mine — without a public 
convulsion— or a division of the States. While we live, however, ' let us 
hold fast our integrity, ' and leave the rest to Providence. 

" Sincerely I bid you Farewell ! 

"Timothy Pickering. 
"George Logan Esqr." 



IFnbei; 



*¥¥ 



Adair, Mr., arrested on suspicion of having 

given Franklin poisoned wine, 37 
Adams, President, 93, 102 ; change of 

opinion regarding Dr. Logan's mission 

to France, 22, 23 ; mission of, to France, 

167 
Adams, Mrs., JefTerson's opinion of, 103 
Address of citizens of Bordeaux to Dr. 

Logan, with his reply, 69, 70 
Address of Dr. Logan to the citizens of the 

United States, giving an account of his 

mission to France, 89-93 
Adet, M., 64 
Agricultural Society of Lancaster County 

formed, 98 ; of Philadelphia, members 

of, at Stenton, 43 
Alien and Sedition Law passed, 72 
Almy, Captain, 90 

Banks, Sir Joseph, Dr. Logan meets, 173 

Barclay, David, 34, 90 

Barclay, Sir Robert, Dr. Logan breakfasts 
with, 173 

Barlow, Mr., to General Washington re- 
garding peace treaty, 22 

Betton, Dr. Samuel, Sr., 74 

Blockades, repeal of, demanded, 172 

Bordeaux, address of citizens of, to Dr. 
Logan, with his reply, 69, 70 

Brannagan, Thomas, 107 

British debts, payment of, 196 

Burr, Aaron, 199 

Canada, proposed invasion of, 186, 197 

Cannassetego, Onondaga chief, quoted re- 
garding James Logan, 29 

Canning, Mr., 168 

Charleston, S. C, refugees from, entertained 
in Philadelphia, 1780, 12 



Claiborne, , Governor of Mississippi 

Territory, 199 

Clarkson, , 1 73 

Clinton, Sir Henry, Charleston surren- 
dered to, 1780, 12 

Clymer, George, 78 

Coin, bill introduced by Dr. Logan for 
punishment of persons counterfeiting, 

'59 

Coke, Thomas William, to Dr. Logan, 175 ; 
Dr. Logan to, 177 

Commerce in 1798, 18, 19 

Commercial warfare. Dr. Logan on, 182 

Commissioners sent to France to negotiate 
a treaty, 19 

Congress, act of, to prevent individual in- 
terference in foreign governments, 99 ; 
passes Logan's law, 87, 99 

Constitution of the United States, Dr. 
Logan's views regarding, 132 

Currie, Dr., of Liverpool, 34 

Darby, Mr., Dr. Logan breakfasts with, 173 

Darwin, Dr., death of son of, 34, 35 

Dashkoff, Mr., 189, 190 

Dickinson, John, 26, 27, 74 ; and wife, gift 
of, for seminary, 24 ; death of, 115 ; Fair- 
hill, residence of, burned, 40, 41 ; letters 
of, 146, 147 

Domestic manufactures encouraged, 44 

D'Onis, Mr., 171 

Dudley, Theodorick Bland, 181 

Duponceau, Peter S., a guest at Stenton, 
29 ; president of Historical Society of 
Pennsylvania, 29 

Education, public; Dr. Logan in favour of, 

24,47 
Elections ; corruption in, 201 



203 



ln^eI 






syrfTi 



- . Freack SGaater, 3Ri«e> ia 
.- Steaba, 53 ; aad Je£- 

S9,zc>,2i; Bot at Bait wImb Or. LogiB 

juivOy 63 
Gkoc. TieaBf at, 119 

GOcs. ,\Sf9 

Gieat Briliia. psficy o^ evRBiii Oe Uaitei 

Scaia;,l67, t68, 170 

TTiMJIiiw. Gtmeal, <1Mrirm<r id, «i& 

JaM>]faMae^97 
Haipcr, Kabm Gesdlo^ < 



Tgy. ?«*■, ■ ■ ■■ I " of. rt7, 19s 
— itna^, 19,194, 195 
-f-iw, TWaaii. ill, U2, 113, 114, 191, 
192; j|y i i!i Dr. liOgaa's vidt Is 
Raaee, 137; tnlifa ar «r cJlneBAip 
^vaitoDcIiOgMbjr.^B; Cim^h ■ *i 

i f l ii i i m iiii ' i «*. K>9. «»; *»»- 

■ectioa o^ «i& Oe Ha6amal G^xOU, 
193: drea a<; 50; earinqeo «i; 197; 
f f i T a ai ol. tD«ari» W ii r«u iii , y\ 51; 
ia Cnvar of va; Si ; ili M M'y o^ ^A 
rtiiHiK (tJT, 101, vat; Joka Kaa- 
doifkli vfaiam. al, 200; leOer to Dr. 
dj.Te%f 107 ! 
of iSu, 

135-137; ■ii i Mii «<t aitidK< 197, 
19B, 199; aat m btom of lieay -witk 
»^-l^-— '. 171 ; pidriK fiiliaj, tonads, 
7S: Bcena Dc Laeaa,85: Kftewsof, 
to obliB ftoid eaty. 196^ 199; -natb at 
aeabM, go(, 53; viols Mn. Lopa, 75 
ytwiSa, DaaJd, acwpaaiB W ii tin^ iia 
44>43 



KociadED aMcfs Dc Logaa, 65 

Tirfijilli iin Dt^LqgaatoieacftBBi^ 

63,99: Ht. Logai viflK aad e^pfaias 
M»MiaiiMto,fa; Wal— ■ Je.fa 

Lepeaai, f^***— . ienafa^ Dr.Logaattlv 
133. »3* 

Le ToaUi, 57 

Iiaa.199 

Tiiiatiliw.TtiHiiil ncfij rf KewTodc, 
■oacy ^■DCzoed liy, 199 

L«B« Act, Tfce, i«4 

U^a. Hb. Dcbook Xatm, Sfe oT Dr. 
George La^Bfay,9,io; ■iiiiifei of, 11 

Lopa, Mis Foaoes .Aisitl, pnxids fpr 
of "Life of Dr. GeoBe 



«H 



Unbei 



Logan, Dr. George, address of, to the citi- 
zens of the United States, giving an ac- 
count of his mission to France, 89-93 ! 
apprenticed to John Reynell, merchant 
in Philadelphia; 32; at Bristol, 84; at 
Dover, 61 ; at Edinburgh, 34, 35 ; at 
Hamburg, 61 ; at Lancaster, 98 ; at 
Paris, 89 ; at Philadelphia, 85 ; bill for 
punishment of persons counterfeiting 
current coin introduced by, 1 59; birth 
of, 31 ; certificates of citizenship given 
to, 56 ; death of, 10, 30, 120; declines a 
re-election to the Senate, 115 ; doings of, 
while in London, 1810, 173 ; early life of, 
in Europe, 12 ; elected to the Assembly, 
13, 46, 97 ; elected Senator, 1802, 9, 24, 
100 ; fondness for agriculture, 43 ; goes 
to England, 1810, hoping to avert war, 
25, 171 ; in favour of public education, 
24; interest of, in political reform, 13; 
interview of, with Merlin, 65, 66, 67 ; 
interview of, with Colonel Pickering, 86 ; 
leader of anti-Federal party, 9 ; leaves 
Paris for Bordeaux, 68 ; marriage of, II, 
42; member of the Republican party, 
16; mission of, to England opposed by 
United States Minister, 1 16, 117 ; not in 
favour of manufactures in this country, 
24; obtains his degree and leaves Edin- 
burgh for London and Paris, 35, 36 ; 
opposed to soldiers under arms voting, 
24 ; opposed to turnpike road between 
Philadelphia and Lancaster, 24; oppo- 
sition to mission of, 59, 60 ; plan of a 
reconciliation with England, 143; Presi- 
dent Madison favours mission of, I16; 
reasons of, for going to France, 1 29 ; re- 
ceived by distinguished men in England, 
117 ; received by President Jefferson, 85 ; 
receives and answers an address from 
the citizens of Bordeaux, 69, 70 ; retires 
from public life, 26, 27 ; returns to Amer- 
ica, 1779 or 1780, 36, 42; returns to 
England to study medicine, 33 ; returns 
to Slenton from France, 1798, 23, 83, 
84 ; returns to Stenton from England, 
eleventh month 5, 1810, 119, 177 ; sails 
for France aboard the "Iris," 57; sails 



for Philadelphia aboard the " Persever- 
ance," 79 ; sent to England to be edu- 
cated, 32; to his wife, 71, 79, 173; to 
Thomas William Coke, 177 ; to Jeffer- 
son, 109, no; with reply, 137-144; to 
Citizen Lepeaux, 133, 134; to President 
Madison, 165, 181, 182, 186, 187 ; to 
Merlin, 1 29-13 1 ; to James Monroe, 
185; to John Nicholls, 179; to Hon. 
Spencer Perceval, 1 75 ; to Schimmelpen- 
ninck, 132, 133; to Sir John Sinclair, 
178; to Marquis Wellesley, 179 ; urges 
the suspension of the Orders in Coun- 
cil, 172; views of, regarding affairs in 
England, 137, 138, 139; visits Lafayette, 
62; visits Merlin, 91; visits M. Schim- 
melpenninck, 65 ; visits Talleyrand, 64 ; 
volunteer mission of, to France, and 
abuse of, 20, 21, 54, 55 ; waits on Gen- 
eral Washington, 86 
Logan, Gustavus, death of, 100 
Logan, James, 32; at Stenton, 78; genea- 
logical table of descendants of, 1 27 ; 
library of, 13; Stenton built by, 27, 29 
Logan, William, Sr., 31 ; married Hannah 

Emlen, 32 ; death of, 40 
Logan, Dr. William, Jr., 33 
Logan, Dr. William, Sr., library of, 33 
Logan's Law passed by Congress, 87, 99 
Louisiana, Dickinson on admission of, 149 ; 
our claims in, 153 

McKean, Thomas, certificate of citizen- 
ship given to Dr. Logan by, 56 

Macon's bill, 178 

Madison, James, 196, 197, 198 ; corres- 
pondence between Dr. Logan and, 165; 
Dr. Logan to, 181, 182; same to the 
same, urging peace with England, 186, 
187 

Manufactures in homes encouraged by Dr. 
Logan, 98 

Marshall, John, 93 ; Commissioner to 
France, 19; Chief Justice, 154 

Martinent, Mr., Dr. Logan dines with, 

«73 
Mason, Stephens Thompson, 196 
Mercer, John Francis, 194 



205 



In^ei 



Merlin, 57 ; letter from Dr. Ixjgan to, 129 ; 

receives Dr. Logan, 65, 66, 67, 91 
Militia Bill, 156 
Militia, John Dickinson in favor of, 146, 

148, 163 
Mint in Baltimore for coinage of Portuguese 

money, 159 
Monroe, James, 196 ; difference of, with 

General Hamilton, 97 ; Dr. Logan to, 

185 ; in favour of war, 195 ; reception of, 

on his return from France, 97 ; treaty of, 

166 
Muhlenberg, Henry, 98 
Muhlenberg, General Peter, succeeded by 

Dr. Logan as Senator, 25, 101 
Mullett, Thomas, to Mrs. Logan, 73 

National Gazette, Jefferson's connection 

with and object of, 193 
Nemours, Dopont de, a guest at Stenton, 

29 
Nicholls, John, Dr. Logan to, 179 
Non-intercourse Act, 1 78, 197 
Norris, Charles, 11 

Parliament desires peace with the United 

States, 173 
Parry, Dr., 34 
Penn-Logan Correspondence prepared by 

Mrs. Logan, II 
Perceval, Hon. Spencer, Dr. Logan to, 

«75 
" Perseverance," Dr. Logan sails for 
Philadelphia aboard, 79 ; mentioned, 83 
Pickering, Colonel Timothy, 113; de- 
spatches from Vans Murray to, 94, 95 ; 
guest at Stenton, 30 ; interview of Dr. 
Logan with, 86; opinion of Jefferson 
and his policy, 200, 201 
Pinckney, General Charles C, 93, 168; 
at Stenton, 12, 42; Commissioner to 
France, 19; negotiation between Mar- 
quis Wellesley and, 178; receives Dr. 
Logan at Bristol, 84 
Pinckney, Thomas, at Stenton, 12, 42 
Political feeling towards the Logans, 75 
Price, Dr., criticises Smith's "Wealth of 
Nations," 47 



Privateering, Dr. Logan opposed to, I34 
Proud, Robert, Historian, instructs Dr. 

George Logan in Latin, 32 
Public opinion, change in, regarding Dr. 

Logan, 87 

Randolph, John, of Roanoke, a guest at 
Stenton, 30 ; his opinion of Jefferson, 
200; to Dr. Logan, 180 

Republican party, disunion in, 106 

Rush, Dr., 59 

Russel, , 136 

Russian mediation, 1813, 189 

Rutledge, Governor Edward, at Stenton, 
12, 42 

St. Domingo, French complain of our 
trade with. III; John Dickinson op- 
posed to our trade with, 154, 155, 156 

Schimmelpenninck, M., 93 ; introduces Dr. 
Logan to Merlin, 65 ; letter from Dr. 
Logan to, 1 32, 133 

Seamen, impressment of, by England, 
13s 

Sidmouth, Lord, Dr. Logan meets, 1 73 

Simms, Dr., of Essex, Dr. Logan boards 
with, 34 

Sinclair, Sir John, Dr. Logan to, 172, 
178 

Skipwith, Mr., 91 

Slaves, Jefferson's views regarding, 107 

Small-pox, a case of, at Stenton, 47, 49. 

Smith, Adam, " Wealth of Nations," by 
46 

Smyth, Chief Justice Frederick Augustus, 
74,78 

Spain, our controversies with, 160, 161. 

Stenton, account of, 27-29 ; condition of, 
in 1779, 12, 40, 41 ; notable guests at, 
29, 30 ; visited by British, 40, 41 

Sumter, General, senator from South Car- 
olina, 145 

Talleyrand, 57, 62, 64 

Taxes, internal, Madison in favour of, 190, 

191 
Taylor, George, translator for National 

Gazette, 193 



206 



Inbei 



Thomas, Governor George, treaty of, with 

Six Nations, 1742, 29 
Thomson, Charles, 39 
Thornton, Mr., Dr. Logan dines with, 

173 

Treaty of Friendship and Commerce with 
England, Dr. Logan favours, 167, 171 ; 
of 1783, 194 

Turreau, Mr., Ill 

Twisleton, Colonel, 40 

Vans Murray, minister at The Hague, 93, 

94 
Vaughan, John, 74 
Verses in memory of Dr. Logan, 123-126 

Walsh, Robert, a guest at Stenton, 29 
Warren, Admiral, 136 
War with Great Britain, desire to avoid, 
iiS 



Washington, General, Dr. Logan visits, 86 ; 
John Dickinson's opinion of, 155 ; visits 
Dr. Logan at Stenton, 44, 45 

Washington, President, and Jay's treaty 
185, 195, 196; issues proclamation of 
neutrality, April, 1 793, 15 

Wellesley, Marquis of, Dr. Logan's inter- 
view with, 119; letter to, 179; negotia- 
tion between Mr. Pinkney and, 178 

Wilberforce, Dr. Logan breakfasts with, 
173 

Wister, Mrs. Sarah Butler, Stenton de- 
scribed by, 28 

Woodward, Major, brings despatches from 
France to the United States, 92 

Yellow fever in Philadelphia and vicinity, 

1798,76.77 
Yrujo, De Casa, notified to leave the United 

States, III 



207 



2S6 471 



